Aziz Daouda

Africa of Narratives: The Media Silence That Handicaps Rabat... 461

Aziz Daouda, 2 d.

- World Politics - Politics - Sports -

2.7 min read.

The press is never neutral and never will be.It doesn't just report facts: it ranks them, amplifies them, or stifles them. In Africa, where the battle for influence plays out as much in newsrooms as in chancelleries, media power is a central indicator of real leadership. In this game, the comparison between Morocco and Senegal, judged by the facts recorded during the CAN final, is brutal. It's a textbook case. It highlights a disturbing truth: Morocco acts massively across the continent but speaks little or goes unheard, while Senegal, with more limited means, imposes its voice. Senegal boasts an age-old media capital, forged by history, a culture of debate, and a press that has never fully abandoned its critical role. Dakar remains a nerve center for francophone African discourse. Its media transform a national event into a continental issue, a local controversy into a pan-African debate. They master the art of storytelling: giving meaning, creating emotion, shaping opinion. A quick look at *Le Soleil*, the historic state newspaper and circulation leader, or *Walfadjri*, a powerful, conservative, and critical group, is enough to gauge its reach. **Morocco presents a striking paradox. The country invests, finances, builds, trains, and advances by giant strides. It promotes win-win partnerships, positions itself as a major player in African development, and claims a deep continental strategic footprint. Yet this ambition runs up against a glaring weakness: the absence of a Moroccan press that is audible and influential on the African scale. Moroccan media abound, sometimes technically proficient, but remain confined to internal dialogue. Africa often appears there as diplomatic scenery, rarely as a living space for debate.** This shortfall carries a heavy political cost. Without powerful relays, the Moroccan narrative, when it exists—struggles to take hold. Its successes go unnoticed, its positions are poorly understood, its silences interpreted as admissions of weakness or lack of humility. While others seize the space, Morocco lets the battle for perceptions slip away. In Africa, those who don't tell their own story accept others telling it for them, with their biases and lies when bad faith enters the mix. The Sahara affair demonstrated this for decades, with persistent residues: the neighbor's narrative took root in many minds, peddling falsehoods, historical distortions, even geographical falsehoods. This absence of voice is also reflected in the silence of the elites. Moroccan ministers are discreet, if not absent, from African airwaves. Ambassadors shy away from major continental debates. Moroccan experts are invisible in pan-African media: Morocco is present physically and materially, but absent narratively. In contrast, Senegalese figures, political, diplomatic, or intellectual, flood the regional media space. They explain, justify, challenge, fully aware that influence is built through public discourse. Football, too often reduced to mere spectacle by shortsighted decision-makers, brutally exposes these imbalances. A heavy defeat can remain a minor incident or become a political and symbolic event. When a sports fact circulates in Africa, it's not the score that strikes but how it's told, commented on, debated. Things may go well on the pitch; what matters is the media narrative. The sanctions from the Confederation of African Football (CAF) confirm this reality. Their impact goes beyond sport: they become subjects of debate, tools of pressure, levers of influence. Where some media amplify, contextualize, and politicize the event, others suffer it, whine without convincing. Morocco too often adopts this defensive posture, lacking a press capable of imposing its reading of the facts and a solid narrative. Today, the impression prevails that the continent has ganged up against the Kingdom, seen as a corrupter of the system and absolute master of the CAF. In reality, we are far, very far from that. Yet try convincing a young African otherwise: some even view the sanctions against Senegal as unfair. *The problem is not quantitative but strategic. Morocco doesn't lack media; it lacks an African vision. Few correspondents on the continent, weak multilingual presence, absence of pan-African platforms: so many handicaps in a hyper-connected Africa. Add to that an editorial caution that stifles debate, while influence arises from clashing ideas.* The diagnosis is irrefutable. Morocco cannot sustainably claim a central role in Africa without investing the media field. It needs offensive, credible media capable of speaking to* Africa and with*Africa;* visible, assertive voices present in controversies and substantive debates. Modern power is no longer measured solely in kilometers of highways, banks, or signed agreements, but in the ability to impose a narrative. **Morocco must never forget the all-out war waged against it, including in the media. It must integrate this as a core component of its African policy.** As long as it leaves this terrain to others, those who, jealous and insecure, bet on disinformation, slander, and lies, its ambitions will remain fragile at best. **Good faith never wins alone: it advances alongside bad faith.** It's the swiftest, most composed, most persuasive, the one that hits back, that triumphs in the end.

Enough is Enough, Mr. Motsepe... 783

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.

- World Politics - Politics - Sports -

2.7 min read.

Letter to Mr. Patrice Motsepe, President of the Confederation of African Football, in response to his statement following the decision of your disciplinary commission. No, Mr. President, you cannot shift onto a host country, in this case, Morocco, the burden of the CAF's chronic weaknesses and the hesitant governance of its disciplinary bodies. By endorsing sanctions perceived as harsh toward Morocco, while sparing those who spoiled a final meant to be the crowning glory of the 2025 AFCON, your discourse on "integrity" and "the image of African football" comes across less as a moral awakening than as a convenient reversal of responsibilities. It is not Morocco that has undermined the CAF's credibility: it is the decisions, the unspoken issues, the legal contradictions, and the off-kilter communication surrounding this dossier. Morocco is not an ordinary defendant before the CAF; it is one of its main pillars. While others shy away from organizational, logistical, and security demands, it is the Kingdom that opens its stadiums, airports, hotels, and cities to competitions that many refuse to risk hosting. The 2025 AFCON mobilized infrastructure upgraded at forced march, nine stadiums meeting international standards, smooth logistics, and security that was widely praised, delivering a tournament that no one disputes on organizational grounds. To now tell this same country that it must also absorb the symbolic and sporting bill for the CAF's regulatory inconsistencies is to punish the very actor who contributed most to the event's success. When Morocco is sanctioned, it is not just federation officials who are targeted; it is millions of Moroccans who feel aggrieved. They filled the stadiums, showcased the country's hospitality, turned this AFCON into a showcase for the continent—only to see their national team, already honored with a fair play award, caught up in a verdict deemed "incomprehensible" even in the international press. How do you explain to these citizens that an exemplary host country, organizationally speaking, is treated with such severity, while the legal qualification of the Senegalese team's temporary withdrawal or other behaviors that disrupted the final seems to have been handled with calculated leniency? The question at hand is one of coherence and proportionality. Many observers, including jurists and former CAF officials, highlight the inconsistencies in a decision where the displayed severity toward Morocco is not matched by equally firm and transparent treatment of all parties involved. The suspensions of Moroccan players and the fines imposed on the FRMF pile onto the rejection of the claim based on articles 82 and 84, while the handling of the opponent's behavior and the incidents that led to the match interruption, injuries to valiant stadium staff, and vandalized equipment leaves a sense of unfinished business. This imbalance fuels the perception that the CAF sought a "political balance" rather than clear sporting justice. Your statements, Mr. President, do announce a reform of the Disciplinary Code, more "appropriate and dissuasive" sanctions, and a commitment to protecting the integrity of African football. Your words thus confirm that what occurred during the final warrants heavy reprimand. Defending the integrity of African football should logically have started there, given the facts that the whole world deemed scandalous—except for your disciplinary commission, which openly encourages indiscipline. To millions of Moroccans, who have invested billions of dirhams in their infrastructure and staked their international image just a few years from a co-hosted 2030 World Cup, this sudden clarity comes too late and feels like a catch-up operation. Trust is not rebuilt with abstract promises, but with decisions that convey equal treatment, rigorous application of the rules, and respect for the sacrifices made by host countries. In reality, what is at stake goes far beyond a mere disciplinary dispute: it is the moral contract between the CAF and its most committed members that is in question. When a country that takes risks to host your competitions feels turned into a scapegoat to mask your own failings, the relationship turns toxic. And if Morocco were to say to you today: enough is enough. It cannot, it must not, pay for the legal ambiguities, political hesitations, and faltering governance of a confederation that hides behind the "independence" of its bodies while refusing to fully own the consequences of its choices. The CAF, under your leadership, has just taken another step toward perfidy against its star pupils, as if those working for the development of African football disturb someone somewhere... Are we not right in the midst of the red poppy syndrome, the one that stands out above the rest in the field? Yes, we are, Mr. President. Those who resent others' success because they cannot replicate it at home have triumphed. They threatened. They were heard. Morocco disturbs with its development, its unparalleled achievements, its diplomatic victories, its success in organizing and the quality it offered your confederation. It pays the price. The price of the naivety it has shown.

CAF Sanctions: Disciplinary Justice with Variable Geometry? 1043

Aziz Daouda, 5 d.

- World Politics - Society - Sports -

2.6 min read.

The decisions by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) Disciplinary Commission regarding the incidents that marred the CAN final between Senegal and Morocco are now known. They were awaited, scrutinized, sometimes feared. But beyond their mere announcement, it is their **coherence, proportionality, and equity** that raise questions today. At first glance, the CAF sought to strike hard, giving the impression of sanctioning both parties to preserve a posture of balance. The CAF simply forgot that at its core, the conflict was squarely between Senegal and the referee, not with the Moroccan team, and thus, in the end, pitted Senegal against this very same CAF, responsible for the organization and officiating. Senegal and Morocco have thus, according to the commission's logic, presided over by a Senegalese, let us recall, been sanctioned to varying degrees. Yet, a close reading of the facts, confronted with the very content of the decisions rendered, reveals an **asymmetry that is hard to justify** between the severity of the acts observed and the weight of the sanctions imposed. The ridiculous is not far off. The central problem, namely, the officiating, has simply been swept aside. The most troubling element undoubtedly lies in the **total absence of any reference to the referee** in the Commission's ruling. As if he had never existed. Yet, the images and testimonies align: in the final moments, the referee displayed **manifest irresponsibility**. How can one justify resuming play when the minimum safety conditions were clearly not met? The stadium had been invaded by official Senegalese supporters, equipment had been vandalized, and tensions were at a boiling point. In such circumstances, the rules are clear: absolute priority must be given to the safety of players, officials, and the public. By ignoring this dimension, the Disciplinary Commission misses an **essential link in the chain of responsibilities**. They are, however, clearly identified. This is not to fully exonerate the Moroccan side. Reprehensible behaviors existed, and some hot-headed reactions could have been avoided. But the nature and gravity of these acts remain **incommensurable** with those attributable to the Senegalese delegation and its immediate environment. The most striking example remains the sanction imposed on Achraf Hakimi. Reproaching him for attempting to remove a towel belonging to the Senegalese goalkeeper—an object that, incidentally, had no business on the pitch—smacks more of a **search for artificial balance** than rigorous application of disciplinary principles. Can one seriously equate this gesture with outbursts involving pitch invasions and infrastructure damage? This harms the image of world football, beyond just African football. The inclusion of such an amalgam in the dossier and the proportionality of the sanctions are manifestly debatable. It is precisely on the terrain of proportionality that the CAF's decision falters. The sanctions imposed on the Moroccan camp appear **relatively heavy** given the facts reproached to them, especially when compared to those concerning the Senegalese side, which was linked to structurally far graver incidents. This disproportion undermines the narrative of those in Senegal and elsewhere who decried Morocco's supposed "stranglehold" on CAF bodies. If such influence truly existed, how to explain that Morocco itself ends up heavily sanctioned? Where is this alleged institutional protection when the disciplinary decisions, on the contrary, seem applied with particular rigor against it? One can only regret the missed opportunity for the CAF to show a new face of power and justice. The CAF Disciplinary Commission squandered a precious chance: to **clarify responsibilities, reaffirm the central role of officiating, and lay credible foundations** for managing crises in African competitions. By opting for punitive symmetry rather than a fine analysis of the facts, it perpetuates unease, fuels suspicions, and leaves the game's actors—players, officials, and fans, in a gray zone where perceived injustice becomes more damaging than the sanction itself. African football deserves better than disciplinary justice with variable geometry. It deserves an authority capable of owning its choices, naming responsibilities where they truly lie, and protecting the essentials: the integrity of the game and the safety of those who bring it to life. Today, some chuckle under their breath for escaping truly proportional sanctions for their misdeeds; others are stunned; still others conclude the immaturity of this African body, like other continental instances. A pitiful image for a continent whose youth aspires to development and a bright future, with football and footballers as role models. Has African football missed the chance to set an example? Did the CAF issue the wrong communiqué or target the wrong match? In any case, there is one clear winner slipping under the radar: the party at the origin of it all. Like a fugitive, the commission released its statement at an impossible hour... Funny, no? One wonders whether to hold out hope and pursue the process further, or resign oneself to admitting there is no hope for a just and credible African football body.

Najib Salmi, a Conscience Fades, a Legacy Endures 1050

Aziz Daouda, 5 d.

- History - Society - Sports -

2.4 min read.

Najib Salmi has passed away, and with him closes one of the most beautiful chapters of Moroccan sports journalism. But beyond the collective tribute, it's also an intimate page of my own life as a columnist, colleague, and friend that turns. He leaves behind an immense professional legacy and, above all, an indelible human imprint. He was undoubtedly the greatest pen in Moroccan sports for decades. For over forty years, Najib Salmi embodied a certain idea of sports journalism, one that was demanding and responsible. In fact, he founded a school of sports journalism, having stumbled into it somewhat by chance and grown to love it. A central figure at the daily *L’Opinion*, where he directed the sports page, he marked generations of readers, especially through his cult column "Les points sur les i" (*Dotting the i's*), a rare space where freedom of tone blended with intellectual rigor and a sense of the public interest. He was an institution in himself. He belonged to that generation for which sports journalism was neither empty entertainment nor a echo chamber for blind passions, but an act of public service. At a time when Moroccan sports was entering the era of professionalization, money, and excessive media coverage, his pen knew how to denounce excesses, pinpoint responsibilities, and salute, with the same honesty, real progress and achievements when they were genuine. Najib Salmi was not just a great columnist; he was also a builder. At the helm of the Moroccan Association of Sports Press from 1993 to 2009, he fought for the profession's recognition, the defense of its ethics, and the dignity of those who practice it. He helped embed Moroccan sports journalism in regional and international bodies, earning credibility through seriousness and consistency. Wasn't it at a congress he organized in Marrakech that our friend Gianni Merlo was elected president of AIPS? Wasn't it he alone who headlined young prodigy Said Aouita after he set a new national 1500m record? He rightly predicted that Aouita would go far. He was the unwavering supporter of generations of great athletes. He attended every world championship and Olympic Games. He supported me too, with strength and determination. A man of principles, discreet but inflexible on essentials, he believed that respect for the reader and the truthfulness of information were non-negotiable. This moral uprightness, rare in an environment often subject to pressures and interests, earned him recognition from his peers as a true school of sports journalism. Abdellatif Semlali, the legendary Minister of Youth and Sports and his friend, delighted in calling him "Monsieur à côté" (*The Man on the Side*). He truly was. He never fit anyone else's mold, even during a brief stint at *Le Matin du Sahara*, then masterfully directed by Moulay Ahmed Alaoui. For me, Najib Salmi was more than a professional reference; he was a friend, a brother, and a mentor. It was thanks to his trust that I was able to write for years in *L’Opinion*'s sports pages, learning the craft day by day, line by line, under his attentive and benevolent gaze, enduring his mood swings and, above all, his corrections to style and syntax. He passed on to me more than writing techniques: a vision of what a column should be, rooted in integrity, thorough groundwork, and a rejection of shortcuts. Even today, if I continue to write, it's also because that inner voice he helped instill remains, the one that reminds us not to betray sport, the reader, or the truth. Najib Salmi passed away at the age of 78, after a long battle with illness, leaving an immense void in the newsrooms of *L’Opinion* and *Challenge*, to which he contributed with strength and diligence. He leaves a huge void in the hearts of all who crossed his path. He will rest in the Chouhada Cemetery in Rabat, where he himself had accompanied so many other friends, acquaintances, loved ones, and colleagues, and many who grew up under the benevolent shadow of his pen. May God welcome him in His mercy. To the friend, the brother, the master who showed me the way, I can say only one thing: thank you, Najib, for the delightful moments shared, for the words, the lessons, and the example. Readers will miss Najib Salmi; the family, the inner circle, and I will bury Said Hejaj. Said Hejaj departs peacefully to rest. Najib Salmi will live on in history.

From Passion to Meaning: The CAN as a Test of Truth for Africanity... 1054

Aziz Daouda, 5 d.

- World Politics - Politics - Sports -

2.5 min read.

The Royal Cabinet's communiqué, published on January 22, 2026, following the CAN 2025 brilliantly hosted by Morocco, combines a call for calm after the Senegalese withdrawal episode with a celebration of an organizational success hailed across Africa and beyond. Through a measured and forward-looking tone, it transforms a sports tension into a demonstration of responsible continental leadership, faithful to a long-term vision for a united and prosperous Africa. Through the tone and content of the royal message, we understand that once the passion subsides, inter-African fraternity will naturally prevail: Morocco's success is also Africa's success. The CAN 2025 confirmed Morocco's ability to turn a continental tournament into a lever for development and influence. The smooth organization, modernized infrastructure, massive influx of supporters, and revitalization of key sectors such as tourism, transport, commerce, and services generated billions of dirhams in returns and around 100,000 direct and indirect jobs, with over 3,000 companies mobilized and some 500,000 supporters transported by Royal Air Maroc. The royal message places this success within a broader trajectory: that of a "great African country" which, in twenty-four months, has gained the equivalent of a decade of development in infrastructure and expertise, in service of its people and its continent. Without overlooking the "unfortunate" nature of the incidents in the Morocco-Senegal final, the communiqué opts for elevation over controversy. By recalling that once the passion has calmed, "inter-African fraternity will naturally prevail," it offers a mature reading of collective emotions and emphasizes that the Moroccan people "know how to put things in perspective" and reject resentment. The sports defeat thus turns into a symbolic and diplomatic victory: "hostile designs" and denigration are neutralized by strategic consistency, self-confidence, and the Kingdom's African anchoring. The Moroccan public in the stadium witnessed a grotesque tragedy, deliberately and premeditatedly staged, but was not fooled. They quickly understood, kept their calm and composure despite being deeply wounded. A noted and remarkable behavior that honors them and honors the Kingdom. In practice, as in history, Morocco-Senegal relations are imbued with a consolidated fraternity, strengthened on every occasion. The royal message thus takes on particular significance toward this brother country, with which relations are described as "exceptional and strategic," founded on shared memory, assumed African solidarity, deep religious fraternity, and strong economic convergences. The holding, on January 26 and 27 in Rabat, of the 15th Morocco-Senegal Joint High Commission, accompanied by an economic forum, gives concrete content to this resilient fraternity by relaunching investments, joint projects, and South-South cooperation in service of the two peoples and, by extension, all those in the region. Beyond the finalists, the communiqué addresses all African peoples by recalling that "nothing can alter the proximity cultivated over centuries" nor the "fruitful cooperation" forged with countries on the continent. It situates the CAN 2025 within a long-term strategy: capitalizing on intangible capital made of trust, visibility, and credibility, and using it as a springboard toward upcoming events, notably the 2030 World Cup, in an Africa that assumes its place on the world stage, seeks to establish it through continuity, and consolidate it. In this spirit, it is essential to reject deviations, racism, hate speech, media or ideological manipulations, from tarnishing our Africanity or denying its profound dignity. Being African means first sharing a geography, a history, cultures, struggles, and a common destiny, beyond borders, sports results, or political contingencies. We are not condemned to reproduce stupidity and hostility; on the contrary, we have the collective responsibility to make public space a place of encounter, listening, and fraternization, where intelligence, unconditional respect for human dignity, and curiosity about the other prevail over insult and stigmatization. In the straight line of the royal message, this CAN must remain a reminder: our African future will not be built in hatred or by imitating the worst reflexes, but in the ability to transform tensions into learning, competitions into bridges, and disagreements into opportunities for dialogue. We are Africans, together, through memory and through the future, and it is this shared consciousness that can make our stadiums, our cities, and our debates spaces of elevation rather than scenes of division. Attempts at destabilization orchestrated by some may, at best, cloud the horizon for the duration of a competition, but they cannot sustainably embed themselves in the consciousness of peoples. As facts emerge, they turn against their authors, now exposed to the world's gaze, unable to indefinitely mask their failures, the poverty of their mindset, and the pettiness of their designs. Where manipulation exhausts itself, truth always ends up prevailing, and with it the dignity of nations that bet on construction, fraternity, and the future rather than on intrigue and division.

Trump’s “Council of Peace”: Strategic Pragmatism or Alarm Signal for the International Order? 2002

Aziz Daouda, 9 d.

- World Politics - History - Society -

2.8 min read.

The invitation extended by U.S. President Donald Trump to His Majesty King Mohammed VI to join the new “Council of Peace” marks a significant turning point in contemporary international relations practice. It stems neither from protocol nor symbolism, but fits into an assumed reconfiguration of global conflict management mechanisms. The Sovereign's acceptance of this invitation, while the Algerian president was not invited and Africa remains largely underrepresented, if not ignored, highlights a selective logic based not on geography or ideology, but on political utility as perceived by the USA as a global actor. In the official communiqué announcing the Sovereign's acceptance, Morocco's diplomatic fundamentals regarding the Palestinian issue were explicitly reiterated, particularly the two-state solution with states living side by side. The trust-based relations with the concerned Arab parties, especially Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank on one side, and Israel on the other, perfectly foreshadow the role the Kingdom will play in establishing peace and rebuilding the region. Isn't this a direct way to consecrate a results-oriented diplomacy in the face of the long-ailing multilateralism that has been faltering for quite some time? For decades, major international institutions, starting with the UN, have struggled to resolve protracted conflicts. The Security Council is paralyzed by the veto right, peace processes are stalled, UN missions lack a clear political horizon: the symptoms of a saturated system are evident. Donald Trump's envisioned Council of Peace, by contrast, follows a logic of rupture. It seeks neither to produce international law nor to impose universal norms, but to create an informal framework for direct negotiation among influential actors, including those the UN system struggles to integrate operationally. In this context, Morocco is undoubtedly a stability actor and a discreet, credible, and effective mediator. The presence of the King of Morocco in this body reflects international recognition of a diplomatic model founded on stability, continuity, and pragmatism. Morocco has established itself as an actor capable of dialoguing with partners of divergent interests while maintaining a clear strategic line, and everyone knows that it is His Majesty himself who initiated this vision and leads this distinguished diplomacy. This explains the particular nature of the invitation addressed to the Sovereign. Conversely, the exclusion of certain states reveals the limits of a diplomacy based on permanent conflictuality and blind ideological posturing. In a Trumpian logic, effectiveness trumps representativeness. Pragmatism prevails over sterility and outdated ideological blindness. The question then becomes: in this context, is the UN being marginalized or pushed toward reform? This Council does not signal the immediate end of the UN, but it exposes its existential crisis. If a parallel body achieves tangible results quickly, as claimed on certain African dossiers, among others, then the question of the UN system's functional legitimacy will arise acutely. President Trump's initiative can thus be seen as a trigger: either for a progressive weakening of the UN, which he has little fondness for, or for a profound reform of its decision-making mechanisms, particularly the Security Council. And since President Trump is already midway through his term and cannot run again, things will move very quickly. The context is also highly particular, with a transatlantic fracture revealing a malaise that has been simmering since Trump's first term, he no longer accepts defending a hostile Europe that is increasingly dependent on American budgets for its defense. The refusal of European countries, including France, to join this new body translates a growing strategic divergence between Europe and the United States. While Washington prioritizes power dynamics and direct negotiation, Europe remains attached to a normative multilateralism, sometimes disconnected from ground realities. Its diplomatic hypocrisy and double standards on many issues are laid bare here. Its position and quagmire in Ukraine testify to the anachronistic state of its strategy. The invitation to Vladimir Putin accentuates this fracture, especially in the context of the Ukraine conflict and geopolitical tensions in the Arctic. Europe no longer knows on what ground to engage with President Trump. How to interpret President Macron's statement at Davos, where he said he did not accept the law of the strongest without naming it? Who is the strongest, then, when the one he alludes to is precisely the initiator of the new Council? Isn't this truly a sharing of power? Why refuse to be part of it! And then Trump responds to Macron by declining an invitation to a G7 meeting... For now, Donald Trump's Council of Peace is neither a complete institutional alternative to the UN nor a mere conjunctural initiative. It is the symptom of a world impatient with the ineffectiveness of traditional frameworks. In this context, the role that the King of Morocco will play illustrates the rise of actors capable of articulating pragmatism, stability, and international credibility. More than an architectural change, this initiative reveals a profound transformation of the implicit rules of global governance. And since the Council's seat is not yet known, why not envision it being established in Morocco? The special invitation addressed to His Majesty King Mohammed VI is a good omen and could even be understood in this light. Morocco would thus become the nerve center of Peace in the world.

AFCON 2025: When Morocco Believes in Itself and in Africa.. 2397

Aziz Daouda, 12 d.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

3.2 min read.

In 1961, John F.Kennedy issued an immortal challenge to Americans: "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country." This call to individual responsibility helped forge a collective mindset rooted in civic engagement and self-transcendence. Contemporary America still bears the imprint of this philosophy in many ways. Decades later, Barack Obama rallied crowds with "Yes we can," a cry of unity and collective determination, while Donald Trump popularized "Make America Great Again," a slogan of national rebirth. These formulas are more than mere words: they crystallize moments when a people rediscover themselves, mobilize, and project toward the future. A kind of regeneration for a power afraid of falling, a way to revitalize a nation prone to forgetting itself or resting on its laurels? Morocco has also known this grammar of national mobilization. The late Hassan II forcefully reminded in one of his speeches: "We will only achieve this goal by translating nationalism into citizenship and by moving national consciousness from mere love for the homeland to effective engagement in building a Morocco that is a source of pride for all Moroccans." A founding vision: loving Morocco is not enough; it must be built. In the same spirit, His Majesty King Mohammed VI stated, on the occasion of the 2019 Throne Day, that "Morocco belongs to all Moroccans because it is our common home," calling on each to contribute to its construction, its development, as well as to the preservation of its unity, security, and stability. More recently, on the 2024 Throne Day, the Sovereign again emphasized the need to "pool the efforts of all Moroccans" and appealed to their patriotism as well as to their sense of individual and collective responsibility. A message that resonates, in Moroccan style, like a national "Yes we can," aimed at overcoming socio-economic challenges and consolidating achievements. **AFCON 2025: A Revealer of National Confidence.** It is in this context that Morocco experienced a major turning point with the organization of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations. Well before kickoff, the AFCON was already acting as a powerful revealer: a revealer of the level of development achieved by the Kingdom, but also of the renewed confidence of Moroccans in their collective capacities. The international competition hosted by Morocco demonstrated unparalleled capacity: modern stadiums meeting the most demanding standards, extensive highway networks, efficient rail hubs, increasingly clean and organized cities, civility widely praised by visitors. Casablanca, Rabat, Tangier, Marrakech, or Agadir as examples only, embody this Morocco that advances, invests, and projects toward a bright future. These progresses are not the fruit of chance. They result from a strategic vision driven by His Majesty King Mohammed VI and translated into structuring investments: more than 2,000 km of highways built since the early 2000s, the Tanger Med port complex becoming a global reference in transshipment, or an ambitious energy policy aiming for over 52% renewable energies in the national mix by 2030. Thus, AFCON 2025 crowns a long-term process, not just a one-off flash. **Resilience, Solidarity, and International Credibility.** Even before the sporting event, the Al Haouz earthquake in September 2023 had already highlighted the resilience of the Moroccan nation. Faced with a major human tragedy, spontaneous solidarity—mass collections, citizen volunteering, mobilization of institutions, and the state's rapid intervention under royal impetus—demonstrated the strength of the national bond. The ongoing reconstruction has reinforced the conviction that Morocco knows how to face adversity. At the same time, macroeconomic indicators attest to an overall positive trajectory: gradual improvement in GDP per capita over the medium term, rise of sectors like automotive, aeronautics, and green energies, affirmation of the Kingdom as a central diplomatic actor in Africa. This international credibility, sometimes a source of regional tensions or criticisms, above all confirms that Morocco has crossed a strategic threshold. **A Success That Calls for More Engagement.** But this success is not an end in itself. It calls for more individual and collective efforts, more mutual trust between citizens, businesses, and institutions. More than ever, the question posed by Kennedy remains relevant: "What am I doing for my country?" Every Moroccan, at their level, is called upon. This dynamic rests on a common denominator: solidarity, extended by work, innovation, and responsibility. It translates into local initiatives, the rise of tech hubs in Casablanca, Rabat, or Tangier, investment in human capital, and adherence to the New Development Model, which aims for a more inclusive, more productive Morocco, better positioned in the global economy. **An Assumed African Ambition.** AFCON 2025 must also be understood as a moment of African fraternity. Morocco has affirmed its continental vocation there: to pull upward, share experience, strengthen South-South partnerships and economic interdependencies. Security, climate, social, and economic challenges are common; responses must be too. Morocco's destiny is inseparable from that of Africa, and Africa's depends on Morocco as well. A prosperous Morocco is an excellent locomotive for the rest of the continent, especially in the region. Sterile criticisms and entrenched or passing jealousies never withstand the seriousness of work, the constancy of effort, and the clarity of vision for long. Only the countries that advance, invest, and unite endure. **A Clear Mission.** The mission is now crystal clear: persevere, aim higher, stronger, and more united, under the leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI. Not by copying imported slogans, but by innovating, assuming our singularity, and confidently occupying the place that is naturally Morocco's on the global chessboard. Yes, "Yes we can," Moroccan style. Let us build together a stronger Morocco and a more confident Africa, not through denigration or sterile comparison, but through work, complementarity, and collective engagement. The world advances and waits for no one. Morocco has understood this. It is now up to each to choose: join this movement or stay on the sidelines of History. There will always be football cups.

Morocco Facing the Red Poppy Syndrome: When Success Becomes a Target... 2389

Aziz Daouda, 12 d.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

2.5 min read.

We often speak of the "red poppy syndrome," or *Tall Poppy Syndrome* in English. This is a sociological and cultural theory according to which, in certain groups or societies, those who outperform others, succeed too much, or stand out excessively are criticized, belittled, or "cut down" to preserve a semblance of equality within the group. In short, success disturbs and becomes detrimental to those who lack it. Efforts are then made in all directions to at least denigrate and gossip about those who excel. The metaphor comes precisely from the idea that, in a field of poppies, those that grow taller than the others are cut down to keep the field uniform. The red poppy syndrome thus refers to this well-known mechanism by which success that is too visible calls not for emulation, but for the will to bring it down by any means necessary. On the African regional scale, Morocco today provides the clearest illustration. Not because it proclaims itself a model, but because its achievements impose themselves, provoking tensions, jealousies, and obstructionist strategies. In essence, a Morocco that disturbs because it succeeds. In recent years, the Kingdom has relentlessly accumulated transformative successes: active African diplomacy, high-quality infrastructure, especially world-class sports facilities, recognized organizational credibility, and sports results that are no longer exceptions but the norm. This dynamic, far from rallying others around the country, has awakened in certain regional actors an obsession with systematic contestation, without scruple or limit. The hosting of the Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco should have been celebrated as a moment of continental unity and collective African success. Instead, for its detractors, it turned into a battlefield for sabotage aimed less at the event itself than at the host country. The neighborhood is not unrelated to this evident strategy of indirect sabotage that anyone can verify. In this context, it would be naive not to see the role played by Algeria, locked in a rivalry with Morocco that has become almost doctrinal. Unable to compete on the field of performance, Algiers has long shifted the battle to the terrain of discreditation, suspicion, and peripheral agitation. Failing to prevent the awarding or holding of the competition, the strategy consisted of polluting its narrative environment: questioning fairness, sowing doubt about refereeing, insinuating collusions, manufacturing suspicion where facts resist. A classic method: when you can't cut down the poppy, you try to tarnish its color. And since it always finds support among some, ideologized media relays have perfectly taken up the baton. This enterprise would not have had the same reach without the active involvement of certain ideologically aligned French journalists, often from circles marked by long-standing hostility toward Morocco and its monarchy. Throughout the competition, a segment of this so-called "progressive" press poured out venom in the form of insinuations, kangaroo courts, and barely veiled accusations against the Royal Moroccan Football Federation and its leaders, if not the Moroccan state itself. Investigative journalism here gave way to disguised activism, where suspicion substitutes for proof and Moroccan success becomes, by principle, suspect. This treatment was neither neutral nor innocent: it was part of a delegitimization strategy, carefully maintained. By ricochet, certain African complicities emerged, and recycled frustrations became uninhibited. Even more concerning, attitudes from some African officials or leaders have fueled this toxic climate. Untimely statements, outrageous contestations, misplaced victimhood postures: so many elements that gave the impression that sports frustrations were recycled into political accusations, in disregard of sports ethics. Whether conscious instrumentalization or mere opportunism, the result is the same: an attempt to weaken Morocco by voices supposed to embody the spirit of African fraternity. But despite everything, the maneuver failed and is turning against its instigators. For reality is stubborn. The Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco was a resounding organizational, popular, financial, media, economic, and sporting success. African fans, delegations, and honest observers saw and experienced it. Suspicion campaigns did not mask the essential: Morocco delivered what it promised. In the end, this episode reveals a simple and disturbing truth: the problem is not that Morocco wins, organizes, and advances. The problem, for some, is that it does so too well, too visibly, too sustainably while they fail to do so. And in an African field of poppies, those who relentlessly try to cut down the one that stands out often end up revealing their own inability to grow. The beautiful poppy will continue to grow... especially since it has been well watered by abundant rain. Thank God. As for the Cups, there will be plenty more opportunities to lift them...

AFCON: The urgent need for a code of ethics to restore the spirit of African football 2857

Aziz Daouda, 14 d.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

2.8 min read.

The very recent Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco, intended as a celebration of African football in all its diversity and fervor, has left a bitter taste, profound bitterness, immeasurable disappointment, immense pain, and injuries. *What a shame to reward a country that gave everything to celebrate Africa in this way. What a disgrace to incite crowds to commit physical aggressions and to may leave a family orphaned.* Beyond sporting performances, several behaviors observed throughout the competition have sparked incomprehension, indignation, and sometimes shame. Verbal outbursts, provocative attitudes, repeated questioning of refereeing, and irresponsible statements from those meant to embody the very values of sport have tarnished the image of the AFCON. In press conferences, organized by the CAF to glorify the sport, and outside them, some have uttered unbelievable remarks, born of their overactive imaginations and petty foolish calculations. The peak of these excesses was reached during the final, with the unworthy behavior of a coach, now widely relayed and commented on by media and social networks. Whatever tensions are inherent to a match of this level, nothing can justify attitudes contrary to the values of sport, respect, and fair play. This is not merely a matter of emotion or rivalry, but of responsibility toward a youth and a continent in the making. The AFCON in Morocco was not just any competition. It was a showcase for African football, watched by the entire world and followed by millions of young people seeking role models. Coaches, players, officials, and leaders are not mere actors: they are references, symbols, and ambassadors. Faced with this damaging reality, it is imperative for the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to take a decisive step forward. Sporadic sanctions, often seen as late or inconsistent, are no longer enough. It is time to establish a binding, clear, and universal code of ethics that every AFCON participant must sign before the competition begins, starting from the qualifying rounds. A moral and legal commitment, a sine qua non condition for participation. Such a code would not aim to curb passion or freedom of expression, but to set clear boundaries between competition and excess, between legitimate contestation and public irresponsibility. The said AFCON Code of Ethics would rest on eight clear, precise, and binding pillars. **1. The fundamental principles of the code would be:** - Respect for football's values: fair play, integrity, dignity, and mutual respect - Respect for the image and reputation of African football - Individual and collective responsibility of every participant **2. Behavior on the field and in the technical area would be strictly regulated:** - Prohibition of any aggressive, provocative, or insulting behavior - Absolute respect for referees and officials, regardless of decisions - Prohibition of gestures, words, or attitudes inciting violence or hatred **3. Off-field behavior is part of the whole:** - Respect for opponents, supporters, media, and institutions - Prohibition of any form of discrimination: racial, national, religious, or otherwise - Exemplary behavior in public places, hotels, stadiums, and mixed zones **4. Communication and public statements must above all respect the rules:** - Obligation of restraint and responsibility in media declarations - Prohibition of questioning the integrity of refereeing without established proof, except before the relevant bodies and not through any other channel - Prohibition of inciting violence or hostile contestation through gesture or word **5. The responsibility of coaches and leaders is fundamental:** - Reinforced obligation of exemplarity due to their authority role - Direct responsibility for the behavior of the technical staff - Commitment to defuse tensions rather than fuel them **6. Social networks and digital communication are part of the game and the competition:** - Application of the code of ethics to social media posts - Personal responsibility for published or relayed messages - Prohibition of defamatory, hateful, or provocative statements **7. Sanctions must be exemplary and without complacency:** - Progressive and clearly defined sanctions: warning, fine, suspension, permanent exclusion - Immediate and transparent application of sanctions - Possibility of aggravated sanctions in case of recidivism or serious acts **8. Formal commitment is a prerequisite for participation in any competition:** - Mandatory signature of the code by all players, coaches, leaders, and officials in an individual document accompanying the lists of players and officials entered in African competitions - Signature of the code is a prerequisite for any AFCON accreditation - Mandatory written acknowledgment of sanctions in case of violation The purpose of the code is obviously to establish exemplarity to protect the future of African football and its competitions. Introducing a code of ethics into AFCON participation procedures is not an admission of weakness, but a sign of maturity. African football has reached a level of visibility and competitiveness thanks to this AFCON in Morocco. The level achieved demands high standards and guarantees. *We cannot tolerate an overheated individual causing an entire edifice to collapse and lives to be threatened, or even lost. Passion can no longer serve as an alibi for excess, victory can never justify the loss of values, and fervor cannot absolve excessive behavior.* The AFCON must remain a celebration, not a theater of excesses. By establishing a clear ethical framework, the CAF would send a strong message: African football must advance, structure itself, and respect itself. Football must unite rather than provoke hatred, hostility, repulsion, crises between nations, or even fuel diplomatic chill... Not to mention more.

Akhenouch's Departure from the RNI: Hasty Decision or Strategic Gambit? 3206

Aziz Daouda, 16 d.

- Politics - Society -

2.6 min read.

But what really happened? Why such a lightning announcement? Why such a rushed exit by Si Aziz Akhenouch from the helm of the Rassemblement National des Indépendants (RNI), when everything seemed to be going his way? Since taking the reins in 2016, the RNI has experienced a meteoric rise. From a marginal party with just a few dozen MPs, it became the leading parliamentary force after the 2021 legislative elections, with 102 elected members. Even better, it leads the Executive, chairs the House of Representatives, and holds a central position in the institutional architecture. On all classic indicators of political power, Akhenouch is at the top. So, one question arises: why leave now? And above all, why rush an extraordinary congress on February 7, originally scheduled for March, for such a modest time gain? The explanation deserves more than speculation about shadowy forces or backstage plots. Let's stick to cold, rational political logic to unpack Si Akhenouch's bombshell decision, a leader who stands out in Morocco's political landscape. Whether you like him or not, Aziz Akhenouch embodies a bold, modern politics, almost "American-style": focused on performance, communication, and organizational efficiency rather than ideology. He anticipated Morocco's transformations and supported the modernization of infrastructure (high-speed rail, ports, airports). He delivered economic growth, with GDP up 3% in 2024 and even more impressive figures for 2025, despite inflation. He also weathered or triggered a major sociological shift in politics. Gone are the nostalgic independence-era parties, stuck in left/right or rural/urban divides. Akhenouch wooed a pragmatic, de-ideologized electorate—perhaps especially Generation Z, sensitive to tangible results like expanded social coverage (generalized AMO in 2023). People want achievements that make daily life easier, not incantatory speeches. But from victorious leader, Akhenouch has become the scapegoat. Power comes at a price. Since his appointment as head of government in 2021, he has crystallized all the anger and social unrest. For the contentious public, he symbolizes illicit enrichment, the blurring of business and politics, "predatory capitalism." This often comes out in catchy slogan chants that name him explicitly. Fuel over 15 DH per liter? His fault. Vegetables up 20%? Same. Post-Covid hospital saturations? He should have anticipated. Floods, why didn't he warn? Any rational analysis becomes inaudible. Yet far from retreating, he has multiplied "made in USA" mega-rallies across the country, affirming the RNI's vitality. The message: we'll win the next elections. The confidence is there. And then, splash! The recent signal from the Interior Ministry marks a decisive turning point. That's when everything flips. Electoral preparation falls under the Interior Ministry. Behind the scenes, proposals from the Akhenouch camp—on nominations or constituencies, were reportedly ignored or rejected. In Moroccan politics, such signals are never trivial. A master strategist and sharp as he is, Akhenouch sensed the wind shifting. From major asset, he risked becoming an electoral liability, a burdensome handicap. His person, more than his record (social reforms, EU-Morocco trade deals, ongoing projects), is now seen negatively, or as virtually unproductive for the future. What to do? Perhaps step aside to save the RNI. Rather than cling on and draw all the attacks, he chooses to withdraw early, "clear the ground," and give the party a less divisive face. Pure rationality. The wildcard remains the people. The current RNI is built on an opportunistic gathering of notables, often ex-PAM, with keen instincts and conditional loyalty. For them, Akhenouch was the key to power. His departure could trigger defections to other parties or even some quitting politics altogether. A return to PAM by certain figures isn't out of the question... The RNI could thus shrink back to its old size, back to square one, for a probable comeback later with new faces and perspectives. The triggered movement opens an equation with multiple variables. Without Akhenouch, the RNI loses its charismatic engine but gains flexibility. For the country, it's a chance for subtle rebalancing before 2026. Some parties could capitalize on social discontent, while others bet on unions and "tansiqiyates." A general reconfiguration looms, with risks of fragmentation. One thing is certain: politics will never be the same. 2026 will reveal a different Morocco that only the inner circle can imagine. The rest is mere speculation. Moroccans will decide. In the end, this departure is neither flight nor defeat, but a strategic choice based on power dynamics, institutional signals, and electoral psychology. It marks the end of a cycle and opens an era of uncertainty for the entire Moroccan partisan landscape. History remains to be written, for those who, between two matches, still follow politics. In any case, Si Akhenouch has just given a real lesson to all those leaders and imams who cling to their perches and refuse to step down... Once they've tasted the perks... Citizens won't have to wait long to learn who their next head of government will be, their next scapegoat.

CAN 2025 or Morocco, an Exemplary Pan-African Showcase... 3215

Aziz Daouda, 16 d.

- World Politics - Business - Sports -

2.9 min read.

The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations hosted by Morocco marks a clear break from the previous 34 editions, through the standards it imposes and the message it sends to the continent and the world. From the moment it submitted its candidacy, the Kingdom promised an exceptional edition in every respect, even boldly presenting this CAN as the best of all time. This ambition was no mere slogan: it translated into facts through unprecedented mobilization by the state, its institutions, and society. The event became a concentrate of Moroccan expertise in service to nearly the entire Africa. Morocco already had infrastructures unmatched on the continent in terms of range, capacity, and connectivity, CAN or not. Its road and rail networks are among the most developed; its airports ensure smooth connections with major continental and global capitals. Added to this is a rare network of major cities capable of hosting a top-tier international sporting event. On the strictly sporting front, the Kingdom modernized all selected stadiums and built new ones, bringing every venue to FIFA's highest standards in capacity, safety, and pitch quality. This CAN thus unveils on a grand scale a reality already known to insiders: the country boasts a robust hosting ecosystem geared toward excellence. In the background, this demonstration fits into a profound transformation underway under the reign of His Majesty King Mohammed VI. For two decades, the country has undergone all-encompassing metamorphosis: infrastructure, economy, social policies, diplomacy—nothing is overlooked. Human development is at the heart of the royal vision, and investments in stadiums, transport, accommodation, health, and education follow the same trajectory: improving citizens' quality of life while positioning the country as a central actor on the African stage. The Kingdom has tripled its GDP in 20 years—a record rarely matched on the continent. It aims to double it again in the coming decade. Hosting the CAN fits into this dynamic as a spectacular showcase of the country's logistical, technical, and human capabilities. This ambition comes with an assumed pan-African vision, based on a "win-win" partnership logic. Morocco positions itself as a driver of African integration, offering its resources and expertise. It has become the top foreign investor in West Africa and leads structuring projects like the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline, set to connect 16 countries to a reliable energy source—essential for any development. In Dakhla, the Kingdom is building the continent's largest deep-water port, designed as a strategic gateway for Sahel countries to the Atlantic. The Office Chérifien des Phosphates deploys innovative solutions for continental food sovereignty, while Moroccan banks support the modernization and structuring of financial systems in about twenty countries where many Western players have withdrawn. The CAN merely lifts the veil on this reality, showcasing to the general public what the Kingdom has been building for years. In this equation, football is not mere entertainment: it is envisioned as a true industry of the future for Africa. On a continent heading rapidly toward two billion inhabitants, mostly young, sport emerges as a major lever for both physical and mental health, employment, and local consumption. His Majesty the King's vision leverages this potential by placing youth at the center of priorities. Investing in academies, sports infrastructure, and competitions means investing in continental stability, and, by extension, global stability. Morocco, entrusted by its African peers with a leading role on migration issues, articulates this sports policy with an inclusive integration approach: Sub-Saharan nationals now represent over 70% of foreigners living in Morocco—more than 200,000 people, testifying to a will for welcome and co-building a shared destiny. In this context, CAN 2025 fully plays its role as a full-scale test for the 2030 World Cup, which Morocco will co-host with Spain and Portugal. It demonstrates the Kingdom's operational capacity to manage a major event: 52 matches over 31 days, 24 teams, heavy logistics for fan, media, and team flows. Smooth organization, modernized stadiums like Prince Moulay Abdellah, adequate hotel infrastructure, efficient transport networks, and mastered security all send positive signals to FIFA. Hosting over a million spectators without incidents bolsters the image of a country capable of delivering a successful global experience in stadiums and fan zones across all cities. Symbolically, the Atlas Lions' performances, fueled by popular enthusiasm, reinforce the idea of Morocco as a football pivot for Africa by 2030. The political dimension is no less present. Against the pull of North American or European models, this CAN embodies another form of cooperation—triangular and balanced—between Africa and Southern Europe. The joint Morocco-Spain-Portugal bid finds full-scale validation in this edition through the complementarity of the three countries: infrastructure synergies, connectivity, capacity to handle massive fan flows, cultural and linguistic diversity. The success of CAN 2025 bolsters this candidacy's credibility, showing Morocco as a reliable pillar in the trio, fully aligned with global sports organization standards. Beyond figures, audience stats, or economic impacts, the Kingdom's most precious gain remains intangible: the esteem of African peoples. The image left by this CAN in the memory of players, delegations, media, and fans will endure. The memory of a welcoming, organized, open country deeply rooted in its African identity is likely the most lasting legacy of this competition. It is on this capital of trust—built on respect, hospitality, and seriousness—that Morocco intends to build the next phase of its continental and global project, in football and beyond, of course.

CAN 2025: The Paradox of Origins and the Urgency to Save African Championships Through the CHAN 3218

Aziz Daouda, 16 d.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

2.7 min read.

Figures are sometimes more eloquent and edifying than speeches. The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (CAN), unfolding under the banner of diversity and the diaspora, reveals a deeply worrying reality for the future of African football: **Africa now only partially nurtures its own flagship competition**. It imports it to a very large extent. According to a Foot Mercato study, France is the leading country of birth for players at CAN 2025, with 107 players born on its soil. A staggering figure, unmatched by any African country. Île-de-France alone provides 45 players, making it the most prolific region in the CAN—ahead of historic African football capitals like Abidjan, Bamako, Casablanca, or Dakar. This observation is far from anecdotal. It is structural, historical, and political. In reality, it represents a complete reversal of the course of history. For decades, the CAN was the showcase for African championships. Remember the one won by Morocco in 1976... Local competitions in Egypt, Cameroon, Ghana, Morocco, Tunisia, or Nigeria were the natural reservoirs for national teams. The CAN was an extension of domestic football, its pinnacle and international realization. Today, the course of history has reversed. It is no longer African championships that feed the CAN, but European training centers, European clubs, and European sports systems. Across all squads, 186 players were born in Europe—more than a quarter of participants. And this figure says nothing about the actual place of training, which is overwhelmingly European even for players born in Africa. With exceptions like Morocco's Mohammed VI Academy and Senegal's Génération Foot to a lesser extent. Thus, African championships are progressively relegated to the role of national entertainment leagues—very useful for sustaining local passion but disconnected from the continental top level. The African Champions League and the CAF Confederation Cup remain quite anecdotal. The diaspora is certainly an immeasurable wealth... but it can also signal a failure. It would be absurd to deny the human and cultural richness represented by the diaspora. CAN 2025 is a global crossroads of trajectories, memories, and multiple identities. Morocco's national team—a mix of players born and trained in the country and others born in various countries—perfectly illustrates this positive globalization of African football. But for some countries on the continent, this diversity masks a collective admission: Africa can no longer retain, train, and develop its talents on its own soil until their sporting maturity. Young players leave earlier and earlier. The best sometimes never even pass through an African championship. They arrive in the national team as "finished products," shaped elsewhere according to different economic and sporting logics. In this context, the CHAN becomes a strategic necessity, not a secondary competition at all. The African Nations Championship takes on a crucial dimension. Too often seen as a second-tier event, it is actually the last structuring bulwark for the survival and credibility of African championships. Today, the CHAN is: - the only continental competition that exclusively promotes players from local leagues; - the only space where African clubs gain visibility on a continental scale; - a concrete lever to slow the early exodus of talents; - a tool for positive pressure on states and federations to improve infrastructure, governance, and league competitiveness. Without the CHAN, African championships gradually disappear from the international—and even continental—radar. There is thus an imperative need to develop the CHAN to rebalance African football. Simply continuing to organize it is no longer enough. It must be strengthened, promoted, and fully integrated into the CAF's overall strategy for: - Better media exposure; - Better calendar alignment with local leagues; - Real financial incentives for clubs; - Clear articulation between CHAN, interclub competitions, and CAN. The CHAN must become what it should always have been: the foundation of African football, not its appendix. Countries that haven't understood this or hold a contrary view should come to their senses and step up. This concerns them and the continent as a whole in reclaiming control of our own football narrative. CAN 2025 tells a beautiful story of diasporas and shared roots. But it also tells a more worrying story: that of a continent applauding talents it no longer produces at home—or only partially. Faced with this reality, abandoning or marginalizing the CHAN would be a historic mistake. Strengthening it, on the contrary, is choosing sporting sovereignty, economic sustainability, and the dignity of African football. It's also the best way to secure a strong position as a major player in world football. The Kingdom of Morocco has perfectly integrated this. It is present at every CHAN edition and doesn't play the role of a mere bystander. On the contrary, it knows full well that this continental competition, like youth categories, is the true springboard and a solid platform for harmonious and sustainable development. Without strong championships, there is no strong football. Without the CHAN, there will soon be no more African football... only football of African origin.

February, Forty-Five Years Later: The Inevitable End of the Mullahs... 4103

Aziz Daouda, 22 d.

- World Politics - History - Society -

3.2 min read.

Forty-five years ago, in February 1979, Iran tipped into what was presented to the world as a "revolution." Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini seized power on behalf of a people exhausted by the authoritarianism of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, only to drag the country into a political, moral, and civilizational abyss from which it has never recovered. Yet this shift did not emerge from nowhere: it fit into a tormented trajectory marked by two exiles of the shah, the first in 1953, temporarily ousted by Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, and the second in January 1979, definitive and humiliating. **To understand this tipping point, we must go back to the Mossadegh period (1951-1953), a foundational episode often obscured by post-revolutionary propaganda.** Democratically elected, Mohammad Mossadegh nationalized the oil industry right under British Petroleum's nose, embodying the aspiration for economic sovereignty against Western imperialism. He sought a secular and independent Iran, multiplying social reforms and curbing British influence. This boldness triggered a chain reaction: a coup orchestrated in August 1953 by the CIA (Operation Ajax) and MI6 restored the shah to the throne, exiled Mossadegh, and ushered in an era of repression under SAVAK, the secret police. This traumatic event planted the seeds of anti-Western resentment that Khomeini would later exploit, while legitimizing for many the image of a shah as a puppet of foreign powers. *Back in power, the shah launched his "White Revolution" in 1963: a vast agrarian modernization, women's emancipation (including the right to vote), accelerated industrialization, and secular education. Iran became a prosperous oil state, a U.S. ally, with dazzling economic growth—up to 12% annually in the 1970s.* But this masked gaping flaws: endemic corruption, growing inequalities, repression of opponents (especially Shiite clergy, communists, and nationalists), and a Westernization seen as cultural betrayal. The 1978 protests, bloodily repressed in Qom and Tabriz, culminated in the shah's second exile on January 16, 1979, as he fled to Morocco and then the United States, where he died in exile a year later. Khomeini returned triumphantly from Paris on February 1, capitalizing on this vacuum and promising social justice where the shah had failed. Today, Iran is breathless. The mullahs' regime is underground, besieged by its own people. The revolt rumbles on deep, enduring, irreversible. In this ideologico-theocratic system, the regime's response is singular, mechanical, Pavlovian: accuse the people of treason. Treason to what? To a regime that has hijacked the state, stifled society, and shattered the future? *Iranians demand neither the impossible nor utopia. They seek dignity, a decent life, the freedom to breathe. Women want to exist without surveillance, humiliation, or violence. The young want to live, love, create, work, hope. They are fed up with the Revolutionary Guards *the Pasdarans* this ideological militia turned state within a state, economy within an economy, controlling 60% of GDP.* Faced with this popular anger, the mullahs' discourse is frozen in another age: everything is the fault of the USA, Israel, external plots. A victimhood rhetoric, worn to the thread by turbaned figures steeped in certainties from another century. The regime has always needed confrontation to survive. It allows them to pose as victims, artificially rally supporters, and justify internal repression. Instead of listening to the streets, those in power seek regional escalation, convinced an external enemy will erase the internal one. **Since its birth, the Islamic Republic has sought to export its ideology through proxies: in Lebanon, Hezbollah; in Syria, support for Assad; in Iraq, Shiite militias; in Yemen, the Houthis; and elsewhere. Everywhere, the result is the same: desolation, social fragmentation, destruction of states and societies. Lebanon would not be a shadow of itself without this interference. Syria would probably not be this field of ruins without Tehran's ideological obsession.** History's tragic irony: this supposedly "anti-imperialist" project has chiefly fed the world's largest arms market. The region, to protect itself from this doctrine emerging from history's underbelly, has armed and militarized itself. The war with Iraq, lasting over a decade from 1980 and costing a million lives, temporarily bolstered the Iranian regime by uniting the nation against the Sunni invader, while radicalizing Saddam. Feeling untouchable after battling Iran on behalf of the region and, he thought the world, Saddam then invaded Kuwait in 1990, sealing his doom. None of this would have happened without the existence of this radical theocratic regime, whose sole legitimacy rests on permanent confrontation. Iran is no ordinary state. It is a millennial civilization, one of humanity's most fertile. It has given the world major contributions in mathematics, philosophy, medicine, poetry, art, and foundational narratives. From Khayyam to Al-Kindi, Avicenna to Al-Farabi or Suhrawardi, the Persian heritage belongs to all humanity. And yet, for forty-five years, this civilization has been held hostage by a power that denies, despises, and distorts it. A power that confuses faith with domination, spirituality with coercion, inverting the shah's modernist dreams and Mossadegh's sovereignist ideals. Today, the regime still holds. It battles the streets, pitting weapons against bare hands, oppression against a society that fears no more. The death toll rises. The Supreme Leader's threats still echo, but they no longer make anyone tremble. The young do not flinch. They are there and will remain. History is cruel to such regimes. The Bolsheviks fell. The Chavistas are collapsing. The mullahs will follow. It is only a matter of time. *Ibn Khaldun understood it before all others: no power can survive eternally through pressure and oppression. Domination carries the seeds of its own end within it. When 'asabiyya (social cohesion) dissolves, the regime falls—as with the shah and the ousted Mossadegh, soon the mullahs.* February approaches. The historical loop may be closing. The world watches. Free peoples hope and pray that the Iranian people will finally be delivered from its false guardians of peace, and that Iran will reclaim its natural place: that of a living, serene nation contributing to civilization, not a prisoner of its gravediggers.

AFCON 2025: The Return of a Forgotten African Memory... Lumumba from the Stands: The Symbolic Star... 4269

Aziz Daouda, 23 d.

- History - Society - Sports -

2.6 min read.

Regardless of the outcome of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, whoever the winner, top scorer, goalkeeper, or best player may be, one certainty stands out: the true symbolic star of this competition is Congolese. Not due to exceptional football talent, but through a powerful historical and political reminder: the reincarnation, through gesture and attitude, of Patrice Émery Lumumba. In a tournament dominated by statistics, trophies, and records, one event emerged, upending conventional narratives. It was neither a decisive goal nor a spectacular save, but a symbolic act linking contemporary African football to a tragic page in the continent's history. At the heart of this scene: Michel Kuka Mboladinga, a supporter of the DR Congo, nicknamed "Lumumba" in the stands of Moulay El Hassan Stadium. Dressed meticulously, with a studied hairstyle and glasses, he followed his country's matches standing, motionless, right hand raised toward the sky, gaze fixed ahead, a near-statuary silhouette. This silent ritual, repeated match after match, transcended the folklore of the stands to embody dignity, steadfastness, and resistance. Even the CAF acknowledged it: its president met with Michel Kuka, affirming the reach of this "Lumumba" from the stands. At first, few understood, including some sports commentators. Some called it an original celebration, others a provocation or viral eccentricity. This misunderstanding reveals a deeper reality: for today's youth, 20th-century political memory fades behind the media flood. Patrice Lumumba, absent from the collective imagination, survives among historians and militants; for many, his name remains abstract. Assassinated on January 17, 1961, after serving as the first Prime Minister of independent Congo (June 30, 1960), Lumumba embodies the anti-colonial struggle. His disappearance, amid the Cold War and covetousness over Congolese riches, robbed Africa of a sovereign voice. On January 17, 1961, he was arrested; his mutilated body dissolved to erase even his physical trace. Marginalized since by dominant narratives and rewritten textbooks, he in fact terrified Westerners and other colonial powers, fearing his intransigence. The speech he delivered before the King of the Belgians sealed his death warrant. Recalling Lumumba at AFCON 2025 in Morocco takes on particular significance. In August 1960, shortly after Congolese independence, he visited as Prime Minister, saluting the Kingdom and its support for African independences under the late Mohammed V. Morocco at the time hosted African liberation movements and advocated, alongside committed partners, for continental unity against interferences and for genuine sovereignty. By embodying Lumumba, Michel Kuka transformed football into a space of memory and transmission. The stadium became an agora: an upright body, assumed silence, a raised hand resurrected history. This gesture delivers a brutal reminder: Africa has its martyrs, thinkers, and unfinished leaders. Sometimes, a single supporter suffices to revive a buried memory. In this context, the gesture of Algerian player Mohammed Amoura deserves mention, alas. During a celebration after his team's qualification for the quarter-finals, he mimicked Kuka's posture then collapsed in a mocking and inappropriate gesture, sparking criticism and more on social media. Ridiculing Lumumba, even out of ignorance, offends his memory and the ideal of an unsubmissive Africa. Baseness reaches its peak, moral poverty its paroxysm. The continent is today scandalized. This betrays a glaring educational void: sport here, alas through this ignoble act, tolerates frivolity where it should uphold minimal historical awareness and values of respect. A footballer must have at least basic education or refrain from gesturing when he doesn't grasp the codes or embody the values of sport and fair play. The height of it is that on nearly all Algerian channels, this poor footballer's attitude is glorified and reported with tasteless jeers and mockery. The true incarnation of media from another world. We cannot demand that African football found unity, be educational and elevate people, while allowing the symbols of African emancipation to be mocked. This schizophrenia manifestly reveals, images in evidence, the cultural and civic collapse of an entire people. Gutter press cannot elevate a people; on the contrary, it sinks it into pettiness, mediocrity, and accelerates its downfall. The footballer apologized under pressure, but that will not suffice. The damage is done. AFCON 2025 in the Kingdom of Morocco will likely be etched in memory for its quality and sporting feats. But thanks to a lucid Congolese supporter and a respectful, educated Moroccan public, it offers a lesson in memory: Lumumba bursts into the present, reminding us that we cannot project forward without owning our past. In a post-1961 continent, this gesture was vital. Heroes die only if we stop embodying them, in stadiums as elsewhere. On Moroccan soil where Lumumba in 1960 championed a free Africa, his shadow is reborn, borne by a supporter. Packed stadium, cameras trained, millions of eyes: his memory still guides consciences.

AFCON 2025: Why Morocco Should Win Its Quarterfinal Against Cameroon... 4772

Aziz Daouda, 26 d.

- Sports -

2.8 min read.

The quarterfinal of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations between Morocco and Cameroon, scheduled for January 9, 2026, at Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium in Rabat, promises to be the hottest clash of the quarters. A matchup with the taste of revenge from another AFCON, the 1988 edition. But we're in 2025, and a lot of water has flowed under the bridges since then. As unbeaten hosts, the Atlas Lions display total mastery with 7 goals scored for just 1 conceded on penalty in four matches, outpacing the Indomitable Lions and their 6 goals for 3 conceded. This numerical superiority, fueled by Brahim Díaz's spark, El Kaabi's indomitability, a relentless defensive midfielder, a rugged defense, and home crowd advantage, positions Morocco as the clear favorite in an intense technical-tactical duel. Even if not deemed flawless by some, Morocco's run has been effective despite losing two key pieces: Saïss and, even more, playmaker Azzedine Ounahi. The Atlas Lions topped Group A with 7 points: a clinical 2-0 win over Comoros, an offensive festival 3-0 against Zambia, and a strategically understandable 1-1 draw against Mali, proving rare versatility. In the round of 16, a controlled 1-0 against Tanzania confirmed their solidity, with zero goals conceded in three of their four outings. This iron defense, led by trio Yassine Bounou, Nayef Aguerd, and Mazraoui, backed by tireless El Aynaoui, yielded only once on penalty to Mali. Overall, a +6 goal difference evoking the discipline of a team chasing continental glory at home. And Hakimi was only just returning for the last match played. This time, for the quarters, they'll face a solid but vulnerable Cameroon, marked by the team's youth and disjointed play in many phases so far. However, their margin for improvement is huge, and the metamorphosis and step-up could precisely happen here in the quarterfinal. The Indomitable Lions snatched first place in Group F with 7 points too: a precious 1-0 against Gabon, a hard-fought 1-1 against Côte d'Ivoire, and a laborious 2-1 over Mozambique. The two goals conceded in the group stage already highlighted collective defensive failings. Their quarterfinal qualification with a 2-1 over South Africa in the round of 16 showed character but also flaws: three goals conceded in total, including one from an individual error against the Bafana Bafana. Less sharp up front with only 6 goals, they rely on opportunistic realism, far from Moroccan fluidity. Morocco, meanwhile, benefits from Brahim Díaz, a maestro in the spotlight. He's likely living his golden age in the AFCON: 4 goals in 4 matches, a historic record for a Moroccan in a single finals, including a gem in the 64th against Tanzania. He's clearly responding to his club coach who seems unsure how to harness his genius. The first Lion to score in every consecutive match, the Madrid man excels in tight spaces, with Ayoub El Kaabi (3 goals) as his faithful, cutting lieutenant. Facing a solid Cameroonian defense with imperial but sometimes hesitant André Onana, this individual threat—even if small in stature: 4 shots on target per match on average—could tip a locked scenario, as in the round of 16 where his runs unsettled the Taifa Stars. Overall technical mastery and ball dominance also tilt toward Morocco, who crush the collective stats: 2,184 successful passes, an absolute record, 89% accuracy, and 71% possession against Tanzania—an ocean of control. Achraf Hakimi, back with a bang and an assist, will surely animate a hellish right flank, while El Khanouss, just settling in, dictates the midfield tempo despite Azzedine Ounahi's absence. In contrast, Cameroon lags at 77% accuracy and 43% average possession, struggling in quick transitions with Frank Zambo Anguissa as their sole pivot. This technical asymmetry promises a prolonged siege by the Atlas Lions on the opposing box. With Amrabat as sentinel to handle Anguissa, it's game over. Other facts and assets also favor the Atlas Lions: psychological and historical factors could be decisive. Euphoric hosts, the Moroccans are riding a 23-match unbeaten streak and a fired-up crowd in Rabat, where the atmosphere will echo the 2022 World Cup. The overall head-to-head favors Cameroon with 6 wins, 5 draws, 2 losses in 13 duels, untouchable in AFCON with 2 wins and 1 draw, but the last two clashes tilt to Morocco: a 1-0 in 2019 AFCON qualifiers and a humiliating 4-0 at the 2020 CHAN. This is thus a generational arm-wrestle for sure, but Morocco's freshness with fewer minutes played and perfect adaptation to the climate outweighs the Indomitable Lions' experience. These combined elements forge an ideal scenario for a conquering Morocco chasing a second star, to be decided at the final whistle at Moulay Abdellah complex, Friday around 10 PM. While a surprise elimination is always possible in a tournament as tight as the AFCON, Morocco holds today's strongest statistical signals for victory: ✔ Best overall offensive output ✔ Only one team that scored against them vs. two for Cameroon ✔ Collective mastery of ball and tempo ✔ Two scorers in top form (Díaz and El Kaabi) ✔ Home turf and fan support advantage These elements form an objective basis for arguing a Moroccan success in this quarterfinal.

Venezuela after Maduro: Democratic Transition or New Imbroglio? 4783

Aziz Daouda, 26 d.

- World Politics - History -

3 min read.

Whether one agrees with Donald Trump or not, the fall of Nicolás Maduro marks a historic turning point in Venezuelan history and, more broadly, in the history of the region and the world. After more than a decade of authoritarian governance, economic collapse, and mass exile, Maduro's capture appears both as a relief for part of the population and as a shock to the international legal order. The arrest of the president, or the suspect, depending on one's perspective, who was exfiltrated and then indicted in the USA for narcotrafficking and corruption, thus concentrates hopes for political transition and accusations of imperialist interference. Venezuela, despite possessing the world's largest proven oil reserves, has experienced a rapid degradation of its democratic institutions since the beginnings of the Bolivarian Revolution. First under Hugo Chávez, then under Maduro, the country has seen its economy crumble, with recurrent hyperinflation, collapse of the national currency, and widespread impoverishment. From 2014 onward, the crisis turned into a full-blown humanitarian catastrophe: shortages of medicines, collapse of public services, and endemic insecurity. The human dimension of this crisis is equally dramatic: nearly eight million Venezuelans have left the country over the past decade, fleeing hunger, repression, and lack of prospects. Internally, political opponents have been marginalized, judicial independence undermined, and fundamental freedoms curtailed, to the point that many international organizations describe it as an authoritarian regime or hybrid dictatorship. Chavismo has morphed into a corrupt oligarchy, capturing oil rents for the benefit of a politico-military elite and criminal networks, a model far from unique. The Trump administration, back in power with an uncompromising discourse against regimes labeled "socialist" or "narco-states," has gradually hardened its strategy toward Caracas. For several years, Washington has multiplied pressures: heavy economic sanctions targeting the national oil company, financial restrictions, naval blockade, and designation of Maduro's inner circle as a transnational criminal organization. Officially, these measures aimed to choke the regime's resources, particularly oil revenues and narcotrafficking flows. In January 2026, this maximum pressure strategy reaches its peak with an operation of exceptional magnitude. Targeted strikes and a special operation coordinated by the United States Southern Command result in Maduro's capture in his bed, followed by his transfer out of Venezuelan territory. President Trump himself publicly announces that Maduro and his wife have been arrested and will be tried in the USA for narcotrafficking, corruption, and participation in an alleged cartel designated as a terrorist organization. In the aftermath, Trump promises that the United States will guarantee a "safe and orderly" political transition for Venezuela, even going so far as to mention the possibility of "managing" the country until credible elections are organized. This military intervention immediately triggered a cascade of contrasting reactions, revealing deep polarization both domestically and internationally. For its supporters, the operation is a form of liberation: it ends a regime accused of repressing its people, rigging elections, and diverting the country's wealth to politico-mafia networks. Part of the Venezuelan opposition, whether in exile or still on the ground, presents Maduro's capture as a historic opportunity to rebuild democratic institutions and revive a bloodless economy. For its detractors, on the other hand, the U.S. intervention constitutes a flagrant violation of Venezuelan sovereignty and international law, particularly the principle of non-use of force enshrined in the UN Charter. Some Latin American and European governments, as well as UN spokespeople, have denounced a unilateral U.S. operation and warned against a dangerous precedent legitimizing similar actions elsewhere in the world. Even within the Venezuelan opposition, some actors fear that the end of internal authoritarianism might open the door to a lasting external tutelage, further exacerbating the divide between pro- and anti-intervention factions. Beyond moral or legal justifications, the geopolitical and energy dimensions are central to understanding the initiative. Venezuela holds considerable but low-quality oil reserves that actors like China and Russia have sought to secure through long-term agreements, massive loans, and equity stakes. This increased presence of rival powers at the gates of the United States runs counter to the old Monroe Doctrine and fuels, on the American side, the perception of a strategic challenge in what Washington considers its "backyard." From this perspective, the intervention cannot be read solely through the prism of human rights or solidarity with the Venezuelan people. Washington also seeks to regain control of the region, reduce Moscow and Beijing's influence in Latin America amid heightened global rivalry. This ambivalence, between rhetoric of democratic liberation and strategic interests, fuels mistrust, particularly in the Global South. Whatever one's opinion of the U.S. intervention, one point remains central: no lasting political transition can succeed without the full adhesion and active participation of the entire Venezuelan people. The end of the Maduro era opens a window of opportunity to rebuild democratic institutions, restore the rule of law, guarantee freedom of expression, and revive the economy, but this window can close quickly if the transition is led solely by external actors. Recent examples from Iraq, Libya, and Syria confirm this. True liberation will not come solely from the fall of a leader, however authoritarian, nor from the promises of a foreign power, however influential. It will depend on an inclusive political process capable of bringing together a deeply fractured society, preventing score-settling, and avoiding the emergence of a new system of dependency, whether economic, security-related, or diplomatic. It is up to the Venezuelans to define, over the long term, the contours of their future, if possible with international support based on law, cooperation, and respect for their sovereignty. The position of the military also warrants close scrutiny.

Maduro, from Sovereign to American Defendant... or The last night of Raiss Maduro... 4918

Aziz Daouda, 27 d.

- World Politics - History -

3.4 min read.

The scenario is now factual: capture, transfer to New York, indictment for narcoterrorism. A historic precedent. Now it's time for "Debates" or "Opinions." From head of state to cartel leader: the Maduro case, or when power redefines the law. An incumbent president is extracted from his palace: Bombs are dropped in the distance; diversion of attention and paralysis of defense systems; A perfectly mastered and executed scenario. A head of state has been abducted by a foreign army and then paraded in handcuffs before the cameras in New York: the scene recalls the end of Manuel Noriega in 1989. This time, it's not the Panamanian general but the revolutionary Nicolás Maduro, a sort of Bolivarian relic, head of the Venezuelan state since 2013, now officially prosecuted for narcoterrorism by American justice and incarcerated in Brooklyn. The message is crystal clear: when a superpower decides, a president can cease to be a subject of international law to become just another cartel leader. Power will determine both the qualification and the fate: in a different unfolding, Gaddafi and Saddam met different ends but also at the hands of foreign powers. The keystone of this operation is less military than narrative. Washington does not present Maduro as a political enemy, but as the mastermind of a transnational criminal conspiracy, extending the indictment already filed in 2020 before the New York federal court. This simple categorical shift, from political to penal, from sovereign to trafficker, allows it to bypass the contemporary obsession with sovereignty, head-of-state immunity, and the need for a UN multilateral mandate. The image is no longer that of an invasion, but of an "extraterritorial police operation" aimed at protecting American public health, a narrative well-honed since the "war on drugs" in Latin America. It feels like watching a TV series scene: DEA agents and special forces, reading of rights, transfer to a federal detention center, solemn announcement by the prosecutor. In reality, it's a demonstration of strategic power. The arrest of a head of state in his bed, with his security apparatus caught off guard and possibly complicit, signals less a military victory than a systemic humiliation: that of a regime that dreamed of being an anti-imperialist bastion and discovers it cannot protect its own president. The Chavista "tiger" reveals itself to be a paper tiger: strong on slogans, weak in real capacity. Jurists will rightly recall that international law protects the immunity of sitting heads of state, except in very narrowly defined exceptions. But history offers another, less comfortable lesson: from Noriega to the International Criminal Court's warrants against Omar el-Bashir or Vladimir Putin, the boundary between sovereignty and penal responsibility has steadily eroded. Already in 1998, the arrest of Augusto Pinochet in London on the basis of a Spanish warrant inaugurated the era of universal jurisdiction against former leaders. Today, with Maduro, another step is taken: this is no longer a sick ex-dictator on a medical visit, but a sitting president, captured by force and tried abroad for narcoterrorism endangering specifically American citizens. The international reaction underscores the brutality of this epochal shift. A few capitals denounce a "cowboy method" contrary to the UN Charter; others take refuge in cautious verbal indignation, quickly diluted in press releases. But the most striking aspect is elsewhere: many leaders who, just yesterday, posed complacently with Maduro, accepted his decorations, and praised his "Bolivarian courage," suddenly discover they have short memories. The archives are full of these now-embarrassing embraces: they remind us that diplomacy loves grand words, sovereignty, dignity, resistance, as long as they cost nothing. Abdelmadjid Tebboune must today regret his recent insulting remarks toward the powers and others who have explicitly recognized the Moroccanness of the formerly Spanish Sahara. In the Maduro affair, Donald Trump has found his formula: topple a regime without uttering the word "war," capture a president without recognizing him as such. The operation de facto violates the spirit of international law, but it cloaks itself in the language of American criminal law, with its charges, judges, juries, and procedures. In Congress, a few voices raise alarms about the precedent created. However, U.S. political history shows that, when faced with what is defined as a "vital interest", fight against drugs, terrorism, territorial protection—partisan quarrels quickly give way to a reflex of unity. Now, the scene shifts to the New York federal court. Maduro, very wealthy, will be supported by prestigious lawyers, will challenge the legitimacy of the procedure, denounce a political trial, and attempt to turn the courtroom into an anti-imperialist platform. The U.S., for its part, will highlight its fight against a "narco-state" that allegedly flooded their market with cocaine in league with Colombian armed groups and criminal networks. At this stage, it matters little whether judicial truth is fully established: the image of the Venezuelan president in the defendant's cage will weigh more durably than all televised speeches. For part of Latin America and beyond, this arrest elicits real relief: that of seeing a leader accused of authoritarian drift, massive corruption, and collusion with narcotrafficking finally answer before a judge. This sentiment is understandable. But should we stop there? For this episode recalls a disturbing truth: sovereignty, in the current international system, has become conditional. Conditional on the ability to defend oneself, to weave effective alliances, to not cross certain red lines set by others. Conditional, above all, on the narrative that the powerful impose on the rest of the world. The Maduro case must neither make us forget the brutality of his regime, nor mask the precedent it creates. It has provoked the exile of more than 8 million people. That a president suspected of serious crimes be judged, many will applaud it. That a power arrogate to itself the unilateral right to abduct and try him on its soil, without an indisputable international mandate, should worry even its allies. These tools, once created, risk no longer being confined to a single "enemy." Those who reassure themselves today thinking they will never be the target of such practices risk discovering, tomorrow, to their detriment, that the narrative has changed there too. It was the last night of Raiss Maduro...

When Algeria insists on sailing against the tide of history… 5074

Aziz Daouda, 28 d.

- World Politics - History -

3.4 min read.

What, then, has gotten into the Algerian president for him, in his latest speech before Parliament, to choose so resolutely to position himself against the arc of history and current international dynamics? While the United Nations Security Council has, de facto, settled the question of the Moroccan Sahara by endorsing the option of **autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty**, the Algerian head of state continues to repeat the same old talking points: “despoiled Sahrawi people”, “self‑determination referendum”, as if time in Algiers had frozen in the 1980s. In his remarks, international law is invoked… then ignored. The paradox, not to say the inconsistency, is all the more striking as the Algerian president invokes international law while pretending to ignore that it is precisely the Security Council that is one of its main interpreters and norm‑setting bodies. Yet the law has spoken. The successive Security Council resolutions have long since abandoned any reference to a referendum that has become impracticable, unrealistic, and politically obsolete. In its place, a political, pragmatic, and lasting solution has emerged: autonomy for the Sahara within the framework of Moroccan sovereignty. This evolution is neither accidental nor circumstantial. It stems from a shared assessment within the international community: the territory of the Sahara is, historically, legally, and politically, an integral part of the Kingdom of Morocco. And in order to take into account Algerian sensitivities, a country that has invested tens of billions of dollars for nearly half a century in this artificial conflict the Security Council has, in a sense, “split the difference” by endorsing broad regional autonomy without calling Moroccan sovereignty into question. It was thought this would offer Algiers an honourable way out. It did not seize it. An isolated Algeria facing a global realignment By persisting in this posture, Algeria is not defying Morocco; it is taunting the major powers. The United States, Spain, Germany, the Netherlands, several Central European countries, and many African and Arab states have clearly or implicitly rallied to the Moroccan position. Some state it openly; others, for historical, ideological, or domestic political reasons, move more cautiously. This is the case for Russia and China, which did not vote against the latest Security Council resolution. But all act accordingly: opening consulates in Laayoune and Dakhla, signing economic agreements, making large‑scale investments, and forging strategic partnerships with Rabat. Meanwhile, Algeria is locking itself into a diplomacy of denial, unable to read the real balance of power. At a time when Morocco is establishing itself as an African, Atlantic, and Euro‑Mediterranean hub, Algiers keeps stoking the embers of a conflict that no longer mobilizes anyone other than itself and a few ridiculous residual ideological mouthpieces. A regime from another era, ruling over a suffering population, is at the helm in Algiers. Certain clumsy words used by the president and his facial expressions are in fact open insults directed at many countries and not minor ones, that support Morocco’s position. Even more worrying is the abyssal gap between this ideological discourse and the reality experienced by the Algerian population. The military regime seems to be operating on another planet. The president appears unmoored, disconnected from the daily concerns of a people scarred by repeated shortages: basic foodstuffs, medicines, tyres, essential products. In a country that is nonetheless rich in hydrocarbons, economic and social management borders on the absurd, and the manipulation of statistics has become a national sport. This raises a pressing question: who benefits from this chronic obstinacy? Certainly not Algerians. Above all, it serves to perpetuate a political system that needs an external enemy to mask its repeated domestic failures, justify the army’s grip on power, and distract from a deep‑seated structural crisis. At all costs, the real Algeria must be concealed: the one that is hemmed in at the regional level. The signals on this front are just as troubling. Accused by several Sahel countries of contributing, directly or indirectly, to their destabilization, Algeria is gradually finding itself diplomatically encircled. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso no longer hide their mistrust toward Algiers. To this we must add the total rupture with Morocco and relations with Spain that are durably strained. Algerian influence in Africa is receding just as the Sherifian Kingdom is consolidating its economic, religious, and security footprint across the continent. What immediate consequences, then? In the medium term, this stance is likely to have serious consequences: - Heightened diplomatic isolation, - Loss of international credibility, - Weakening of Algeria’s voice in multilateral forums, - Worsening of domestic social malaise, - And, paradoxically, a strengthening of the legitimacy of Morocco’s position. History shows that artificial conflicts always end up turning against those who instrumentalize them. By refusing to accept the reality of the Sahara dossier, Algeria is not delaying the solution; it is delaying its own political and regional normalization. It is putting off to the Greek calends its exit from crisis and its development. The Sahara issue is now closed at the strategic level, even if it remains rhetorically open for Algiers. To cling to it is less a matter of conviction than an admission of powerlessness. By stubbornly sailing against the current, the Algerian regime risks finding itself alone, stranded on the shores of a bygone past, while the region moves forward without it. There is, however, one explanation for this hasty and ill‑judged outburst by the Algerian president: the major success of the Africa Cup of Nations in Football held in Morocco. The Kingdom’s success and the overall praise it has received seem to irritate the Algerian regime, which has no answers for its citizens who travelled there and saw with their own eyes the extent, clumsiness, and absurdity of the propaganda inflicted on them by the military regime. Some do not hesitate to conclude that Morocco has taken a 50‑year lead over their country. Be that as it may, official Morocco will certainly not respond to the Algerian president’s remarks. The Kingdom stands on its rights, as recognized by the international community. It continues steadily along its path, developing a little more each day and notching up success after success.

The AFCON, a Lifeline for a Continent in Crisis: Why Quadrennial Rhymes with Abandon... 5376

Aziz Daouda, 30 d.

- World Politics - Sports -

2.3 min read.

Shifting from a biennial to a quadrennial competition starting in 2026, the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), the jewel of the Confederation of African Football (CAF), sees its calendar diluted by the voracious interests of European clubs and a complacent FIFA. These actors, obsessed with immediate profitability, sacrifice continental rebirth, reconciliation, and Pan-African unity in favor of a globalized agenda. For one month, the AFCON offers a welcome respite from the scourges plaguing Africa: civil wars, famines, terrorism, and recurrent economic and political crises. Far from being a mere sporting tournament, it acts as a multidimensional catalyst, sporting, of course, but also economic, festive, and therapeutic for a largely wounded continent. It is a true lifeline for peoples in crisis. Football transcends the pitch to become a vital outlet and a powerful social bond. Here, it serves as an antidote to conflicts and misery, despair, and loss of hope. In developing countries ravaged by violence, national football teams embody hope and unity, turning stadiums into parentheses of normality. In Sudan: The civil war, ongoing since April 2023, has claimed over 20,000 lives and displaced 10 million people, according to the UN. Yet the Red Sea Eagles, third in Group E with 3 points after two matches, proudly carry the colors of an exiled championship, reigniting a collective surge and kindling a glimmer of hope. In Burkina Faso: Hit by an acute food crisis affecting 3 million people and endemic jihadist insecurity, the Stallions, second in Group E with 3 points, only folded against Algeria on a single penalty. Their qualification galvanizes a divided people, offering a rare source of national pride and hope. In Mali: 5 million citizens are impacted by a mosaic of terrorist groups, repeated insurrections, and coups d'état, but this hasn't stopped the Mali Eagles from holding their own against host Morocco. They lead ex aequo with 4 points after two matchdays. The duel imposed on Morocco symbolizes fierce resilience and unyielding pride. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): 8 million displaced in the east flee M23 violence; yet, the Leopards in Group D, alongside Senegal, turn stadiums into cathartic outlets, channeling anger into collective joy. In Zimbabwe: 4.5 million people suffer from chronic health and economic decline; the Warriors, bottom of Group B with 1 point, nonetheless rekindle the pride of a youth facing mass unemployment. Over 80% of those under 25 no longer know what to do with their lives. In Mozambique: 1.1 million displaced in Cabo Delgado flee jihadists; yet the Mambas celebrate a historic 3-2 victory over football powerhouse Gabon, defying adversity. In Nigeria: In the northern BAY states—Borno, Adamawa, Yobe, Boko Haram has weighed heavily for 15 years, displacing millions. The Super Eagles, in Group C with Tunisia, still manage to unite a country fractured by coastal insecurity and endemic ethnic divisions. On the pitch, people even forget that the US just bombed jihadists accused of mistreating the country's Christians. In Cameroon: The Anglophone crisis has displaced 700,000 people; the Indomitable Lions snatch a 1-1 draw against the defending Ivorian champions in Group F, offering an enchanted respite from persistent tensions. In Angola: Bearing the traumatic legacy of a civil war, the country struggles for stability; the Palancas Negras battle valiantly in Group B alongside Egypt, symbolizing fragile reconstruction and optimism. These examples illustrate how the AFCON, through its biennial regularity, acted as a social safety valve, interrupting cycles of despair every two years. Beyond the game and the ball gliding on the pitches, the impact is also economic. The CAF has expanded the finals to 24 teams out of 54 nations, while qualifiers united 30 other countries around shared moments of hope. The 2025 AFCON in Morocco breaks all records: 236,849 spectators in the group stage (versus 197,880 in 2023), with over 1 million tickets already sold. Economic projections are explosive: $192.6 million in revenue; around $126 million in sponsorship, and no less than $19 million in ticketing, while 500,000 to 1 million foreign visitors should boost Morocco's GDP by 12 billion dirhams through tourism, hospitality, and local sponsorship. Historically, the 2023 AFCON in Côte d'Ivoire generated a €2.2 billion economic impact; 2025 could surpass it, strengthening Africa's soft power. The AFCON is watched worldwide. The top-quality offering by Morocco contributes greatly. The world discovers the continent in a new light, one of progress and modernity. Alas, this overlooks the European diktat and a betrayal of Africa's essence. Africans, aware of these stakes, have always advocated for a biennial AFCON, rooted in their reality and meeting their specific needs. How else to justify the switch to quadrennial if not as a European diktat? Clubs have imposed this calendar to limit absences of their African stars to 28 days per year, instead of 40 in AFCON years, preserving their profits and mercantile interests. FIFA, under Infantino's smile, thus sacrifices Africa's humanitarian urgency. Four years of waiting is an eternity for peoples in peril. This choice ignores precedents and real problems, like the Champions League saturating the calendar without regard for minor confederations. The CAF must decide: African football is an irreplaceable social cement, a vital safety valve of hope in Africa. Making the AFCON quadrennial dilutes its Pan-African soul for foreign interests. The legacy of a biennial AFCON must be preserved, so that the round ball can continue healing the continent's wounds. Returning to a two-year cycle is a humanitarian duty that cannot be swept away so lightly. The AFCON, an ephemeral space of African reconciliation every two years, risks fading at the cost of shattered dreams for a youth aspiring to live like others. The AFCON is not just any tournament, far from it.

Moroccan Sahara, Maghreb and Sahel: Russia's Subtle Repositioning Between Interests, Realpolitik, and New Equilibria... 5799

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- World Politics - History - Business -

3.1 min read.

The recent signals sent by Russia on the Moroccan Sahara dossier are neither coincidental nor mere diplomatic wavering. On the contrary, they reflect a pragmatic repositioning, revealing the profound geostrategic recompositions sweeping through the Maghreb and the Sahel, in an international context marked by the war in Ukraine, the relative weakening of the West in Africa, and the emergence of new alliance logics. While Moroccans are occupied with the Africa Cup of Nations, which they aim to deliver as an exceptional edition for their continent, highly interesting developments are unfolding for the region's future. Moscow's refusal to authorize the participation of the Polisario, in its self-proclaimed form of the "RASD," at the latest Russia-Africa meeting constitutes a strong political act, even if it was not formalized by a thunderous official declaration. In the grammar of Russian diplomacy, this type of decision carries a message. By excluding an entity not recognized by the UN and wholly dependent on Algeria, Russia confirms its commitment to the UN framework and its refusal to legitimize fragile or instrumentalized state constructs. The Polisario did not participate in the latest ministerial meeting of the Russia-Africa Forum in Cairo on December 19-20, 2025. Moscow explicitly excluded the Polisario Front and its self-proclaimed "SADR," despite pressures from Algeria and South Africa, reserving the event for UN-recognized sovereign states. This decision aligns with Russia's consistent line, having already barred the Polisario from previous summits in Sochi and Saint Petersburg. This choice is all the more significant as it comes in a context where Moscow seeks to appear as a "responsible" actor in the eyes of African countries, concerned with stability and sovereignty. Russia's abstention at the Security Council during the latest vote on the Moroccan Sahara follows the same logic. Moscow does not explicitly support the Moroccan position but no longer opposes head-on the dossier's evolution toward a realistic political solution. This stance reflects an active neutrality, allowing Russia to preserve its historic and lucrative relations with Algeria while avoiding antagonizing a Moroccan partner that has become central in several African and Mediterranean dossiers. In Russian logic, it is not about choosing a camp but maximizing room for maneuver. Contrary to an ideological reading inherited from the Cold War, the Russo-Moroccan relationship today rests on tangible and growing economic interests, particularly in agriculture and food security with imports of cereals and exports of Moroccan agricultural products, fertilizers and phosphates, energy, as well as logistics and access to African markets. For Moscow, Morocco emerges as a credible African hub, a stable state with extensive economic and diplomatic networks in West Africa and the Sahel. In a context where Russia seeks to offset its Western isolation, Rabat offers a pragmatic entry point to the Atlantic Africa, far from the Sahelian chaos zones. Algeria remains a historic strategic ally of Russia, particularly in the military domain, with Algiers devoting several billion dollars annually to purchasing Russian armaments, making it one of the main clients of the Russian defense industry. But this relationship is now imbalanced: it remains largely one-dimensional, centered on armaments, offers Moscow no economic or logistical relays comparable to those of Morocco in sub-Saharan Africa, and is politically rigidified by a frozen ideological reading of the Saharan dossier. Moreover, Algeria has failed to capitalize diplomatically on its Russian alignment to become a credible and solid structuring actor in the Sahel, contrary to its ambitions. In the current Sahelian context, state collapse, coups d'état, terrorism, presence of mercenaries, and international rivalries, Russia now prioritizes actors capable of providing islands of stability. Morocco, through its pragmatic African policy, investments, religious and security diplomacy, appears as a balancing factor, whereas Algeria is perceived as a blocking actor on certain regional dossiers. Sahel countries no longer hesitate to openly say that Algeria is the cause of their misfortune... In this reading, the Western Sahara issue is no longer an ideological stake but a parameter of regional stability; Moscow seems to have understood that perpetuating the conflict status quo serves instability more than its own strategic interests in Africa. Contrary to a widespread idea, Russia no longer reasons in terms of "fraternal" alliances inherited from the past but in cost-benefit terms, the era of automatic support for so-called "revolutionary" movements being over. Russia is a signatory to agreements with Morocco that include the Sahara, particularly in fisheries. The Saharan dossier perfectly illustrates this shift: no recognition of the Polisario, no frontal opposition to Morocco, maintenance of ties with Algeria without granting it a diplomatic blank check. On the contrary, it confines it to a rather small-player dimension, not having helped it join the BRICS at all, quite the opposite. For the Algerian president, membership was a done deal. He received a real slap in the face, and in South Africa no less. The BRICS refused his country's accession. Russia's recent positions on Western Sahara do not constitute a spectacular rupture but a silent turning point, with steady steps, revealing a new Maghrebi-Sahelian balance. In this multi-level game, Morocco consolidates its status as a central and reliable African actor, while Algeria remains for Russia an important military partner but politically constrained. Supported by a weakened country and a regime on its deathbed, the Polisario is sinking into progressive diplomatic marginalization. It is living its last moments. True to its tradition as a realist power, Russia adjusts its positions not based on slogans but on the real dynamics of the ground, where stability, regional integration, enduring and solid economic interests, and diplomatic credibility now outweigh past ideological loyalties. It is now necessary to accept what Russia has become, it is no longer the Soviet Union. Algiers has the intellectual capacity to do so.

Moroccans and Algerians: brothers in history probably, political enemies certainly. 6410

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- World Politics - History - Society -

2.8 min read.

The question of whether Moroccans and Algerians are brothers recurs recurrently, often laden with emotion, rarely addressed with the historical depth and political lucidity it deserves. The slogan conceals a complex reality, marked by anthropological and civilizational unity, but also by successive ruptures, some ancient, others more recent, largely imposed by external dominations and then by post-independence political choices. At the origin, human and civilizational unity is undeniable. On historical, anthropological, and cultural levels, there is little doubt that North Africa long constituted **a single continuous human space**. The great Berber confederations: Sanhaja, Zenata, Masmouda; Islamic contributions; networks of religious brotherhoods; trade routes; and Moroccan dynasties Almoravid, Almohad, Marinid, Saadian structured an **organic Maghreb**, without rigid borders. Belongings were tribal, religious, spiritual, or dynastic. The circulation of people, ideas, and elites was constant. **Moroccans and Algerians clearly shared the same civilizational foundation**. Then came the Ottoman parenthesis and a first structural divergence. From the 16th century onward, a **major differentiation** emerged between the western shores of the Maghreb. While Morocco remained a sovereign state, structured around a rooted Sharifian monarchy, Algeria fell under **Ottoman domination**, integrated as a peripheral regency of the Empire, a domination that lasted nearly three centuries and was far from neutral. It introduced: * an **exogenous power**, military and urban, detached from the interior tribal world; * a hierarchical system dominated by a politico-military caste: Janissaries, deys, beys, often of non-local origin; * a social organization marked by a clear separation between rulers and ruled, without true political integration of the populations. This Ottoman model, more based on coercion than allegiance, contrasted deeply with the Moroccan model, where central power rested on **bay‘a**, religious legitimacy, and indigenous dynastic continuity. Without “denaturing” the populations in the biological sense, this long Ottoman period **altered relationships to the state, authority, and sovereignty**, and gradually distanced, on cultural and political levels, the societies of western Algeria from those of Morocco. Then came French colonization and institutionalized separation. French colonization of Algeria (1830–1962) introduced an even deeper rupture. Paris methodically worked to **tear Algeria from its natural Maghrebi environment**, transforming it into a settler colony, then into French departments. Borders were unilaterally redrawn to Morocco's detriment, and an Algerian identity was progressively constructed **in opposition to its western neighbor**, portrayed as archaic. This is a direct legacy of French colonial software. Yet, despite this separation enterprise, fraternity between the peoples endured. Morocco hosted, supported, and armed FLN fighters; thousands of Moroccans participated in the liberation war; the late HM Mohammed V committed the kingdom's prestige and resources to Algerian independence. At that precise moment, fraternity was neither a myth nor rhetoric: it was **a concrete historical fact**. At Algerian independence, an unexpected political rupture was embraced. Paradoxically, it was **after 1962**, once Algeria was independent, that the fracture became enduring. The power emerging from the Army of the Frontiers reneged on agreements concluded with the GPRA regarding colonial-inherited borders. The **1963 Sand War**, launched against a weakened but previously supportive Morocco, became a founding trauma. From then on, hostility became structural: * Direct support for Moroccan opponents and putschists; * Political, diplomatic, military, and financial backing for Polisario separatists; * Relentless media campaigns against Morocco and its monarchy; * Repeated interferences in Morocco's sovereign choices, including its international alliances, notably with Israel; * Heavy accusations, often raised in Algerian public debate; * Destabilization operations, including the 1994 Asni Hotel attack in Marrakech; * Instrumentalization of Algerian school education, where Morocco is portrayed as a “colonialist” state; * Brutal deportation of 45,000 Moroccans from Algeria; * Sabotage of rapprochement attempts, including under President Mohamed Boudiaf, whose assassination, while he was initiating dialogue with Rabat, remains shrouded in shadows. More recently, the case of **Boualem Sansal**, imprisoned for expressing historically inconvenient truths challenging the official narrative, illustrates the Algerian regime's inability to accept a free and serene reading of Maghrebi history. Thus, two irreconcilable national trajectories. To this political hostility is added a profound divergence in national trajectories. Morocco, not without criticisms, has pursued gradual transformation: institutional reforms, pluralism, major infrastructure projects, African integration, economic and diplomatic diversification. In contrast, Algeria remains trapped in a **militaro-security system inherited from both Ottoman logic and the liberation war**, centralized, distrustful of society, dependent on energy rents, and structurally hostile to any regional success perceived as competitive. This asymmetry fuels frustration and resentment, where Morocco becomes a **useful ideological adversary, the classic enemy**. So, brothers or not? The answer is nuanced, but unambiguous. **Moroccans and Algerians are brothers through long history, deep culture, geography, and human ties.** They were for centuries, before Ottoman domination, before French colonization, and perhaps remain so at the level of the peoples. But **they no longer are at the level of the states**, due to a deliberate political choice by the Algerian regime since independence: to build its legitimacy on external hostility, particularly toward Morocco. Fraternity has not disappeared; it has been **progressively altered, then confiscated** by imperial, colonial, and postcolonial history. It persists in popular memory, in separated families, in the painful silence of closed borders. History, unbiased by passion or ideology, delivers the verdict—and the 35th CAN contributes to it: **the peoples are brothers; the Algerian regime has decided otherwise**.

Moulay El Hassan's Style: Elegance, Humility, and Sovereignty of Gesture... 6545

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -

2.9 min read.

Sometimes, a moment transcends the event that made it possible. The opening ceremony of the 35th edition of the Africa Cup of Nations, hosted in Morocco, will undoubtedly remain in memories not only for its technology, beauty, thematic relevance, and unprecedented quality in Africa; not for its sporting and diplomatic importance, but above all for the silent, almost choreographed performance of Crown Prince **Moulay El Hassan**. Under pouring rain, in a packed stadium and under the crossed gazes of Moroccan and international audiences, the Prince surprised the uninitiated. Not through ostentation, but through sobriety. Not through distance, but through proximity. That evening, Morocco offered Africa and the world far more than a football tournament: a lesson in style, behavior, and hospitality through the elegance of gesture and nobility of demeanor. Without an umbrella, advancing calmly onto the soaked pitch of the **Stade Moulay Abdellah**, Crown Prince stops, warmly greets a charmed, enthusiastic, fervent crowd, and heads toward the referees and players with disarming naturalness. The images speak for themselves: smiles, simple exchanges, a friendly and deeply human tone. No heavy protocol, no rigidity. Just the evident poise of a man at ease in his mission, with presence and class. When he asks the referee which side to kick the ball from for the symbolic kick-off, the gesture becomes almost metaphorical. That of a throne heir who knows that true authority need not be imposed, but is exercised through respect, affection, and listening. The ball is struck with elegance, without emphasis. The message, however, is crystal clear. Joy is evident. Morocco is host and common home to an entire continent in the making. The Prince proves it. As a true Moroccan, Crown Prince masters this ancestral art: that of receiving and putting guests at ease. The nations present at the CAN are Morocco's guests. And, at a deeper level still, they are the guests of all Moroccans, led by His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, as the president of FIFA **Gianni Infantino** and that of the CAF **Patrice Motsepe**, South African as a reminder, delight in repeating. By presiding over this ceremony and representing his august father, Prince Moulay El Hassan embodied not only institutional continuity. He embodied a culture: that of a Kingdom where hospitality is a cardinal value, and where sovereignty is also expressed through courtesy. Seated in the Royal Box alongside the President of the Comoros, **Gianni Infantino**, **Patrice Motsepe**, and the president of the FRMF **Fouzi Lekjaa**, the Prince followed the match with visible attention, reacting to key moments like any football enthusiast, expressing sincere joy and shared emotion. When **Ayoub El Kaabi** scores his splendid acrobatic overhead kick in the 74th minute, the Prince's joy is spontaneous, sincere, almost contagious. It is not a calculated joy, but that of a young man proud of his team, his country, and the historic moment the Kingdom and Africa are experiencing. At that very instant, he turns and respectfully greets his guest: the President of the Comoros. Relations and cooperation with these sister islands, though distant, are special. Nearly all the high officials of this brother nation, including the president himself, were trained in Morocco's great schools and universities. This ability of His Royal Highness to shift seamlessly from protocol to emotion may be one of the most striking traits of this performance. It humanizes the role without ever weakening it. It recalls the royal solicitude at Marrakech hospital: His Majesty leaning over a hospital bed and embracing a Sub-Saharan injured man who thanks him wholeheartedly and seems to have forgotten his misfortune. There, in Rabat, on this evening of December 21, the rain is a symbol: between gratitude and destiny. That evening held another dimension, subtler, almost spiritual. After seven consecutive years of drought, this abundant rain falling on Rabat at that precise moment took on particular resonance. The princely gesture, performed without protection amid a downpour, appeared to many as a form of silent gratitude, a thanks to divine mercy. Long live the abundant rain and snows on the peaks of the Atlas. In a monarchy where the long term, symbolism, and the sacred matter as much as the media instant, this image has marked minds. It reminded that power in Morocco is rooted in historical and spiritual continuity, that of the world's oldest reigning dynasty. That of the Commander of the Faithful. Did not the late Hassan II thank God, traversing Khemisset standing with arms raised, through a long-awaited downpour? The Prince is an exceptional man in the making: brilliant student, insightful doctoral candidate, resolute Moroccan, convinced Muslim, determined African, erudite humanist. The final victory of the Atlas Lions (2-0) merely capped off an evening already rich in meaning. But beyond the score, it is Crown Prince's behavior that will remain one of the highlights of this CAN opening. Through his humility, elegance, and mastery of codes, **Moulay El Hassan** showed that he is not merely a blood royal heir, but an heir to enduring values. And that may be where the respect, love, and admiration of the Moroccan public, and the surprise of the international one—lie: in having seen, under the rain, the portrait of a future great leader who understands that greatness often begins with the simplicity of the gesture.

The Moroccan Paradox: Between Tangible Progress and Social Disenchantment... 6610

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -

2.8 min read.

Macroeconomic and social indicators paint the picture of a Morocco in profound transformation. Today's Morocco bears little resemblance to that of the early post-independence decades. Life expectancy, which stagnated around half a century in the 1960s, now exceeds three-quarters of a century. Policies on electrification, drinking water access, schooling, and healthcare coverage have yielded visible results, even if pockets of fragility persist. The country has gained nearly thirty years of life expectancy and significantly reduced poverty. Consumption patterns have diversified, domestic tourism has grown, and leisure practices have spread. Social behaviors are gradually aligning with those seen in upper-middle-income countries, if not beyond. Yet, this overall positive situation coexists with a diffuse sense of malaise. Pessimism persists, coupled with growing distrust of political institutions, manifesting as civic disenchantment. How to explain this gap between measurable, tangible progress and a collective sentiment sometimes marked by self-deprecation? Economically, despite exogenous shocks, pandemic, repeated droughts, geopolitical tensions, imported inflation, the trajectory remains broadly upward. The boom in infrastructure, development of export industries (automotive, aeronautics, phosphate and derivatives), the rise of services, and progressive integration into global value chains are regularly praised by international institutions, which are unanimous on the country's resilience and advances in human development. Urban planning and beautification are simply stunning. By the data alone, life is indisputably "better" in Morocco today than twenty, thirty, or fifty years ago. Yet, this objective improvement does not mechanically translate into a sense of well-being. Well-being is never measured in absolute terms. It is built through comparison: with yesterday, with others, with what one perceives as possible or legitimate. As society progresses, expectations rise, diversify, and become more demanding. Citizens no longer settle for access to basic services; they aspire to quality, recognition, and dignity. The widespread access to information and social networks has amplified this hall of mirrors. Western living standards, globalized consumption patterns, and lifestyles of local or international elites are constantly on display. The frame of reference no longer stops at the neighboring village or previous generation but extends to far wealthier societies or privileged minorities. This imagined gap between what is and what is seen, sometimes fantasized, fuels frustration that can coexist with real improvements in material conditions. Thus, the sense of downward mobility reflects less an objective regression than a mismatch between rapidly expanding aspirations and economic, social, and institutional responses progressing at a pace deemed insufficient. Progress does not mask persistent fractures. Gaps between urban and rural worlds, coastal regions and hinterlands, socioeconomic categories are narrowing but remain stark in perception and feeling. The middle class feels it is navigating a zone of uncertainty. It enjoys a higher standard of living than the previous generation but feels vulnerable. Even with positive macroeconomic indicators, many households' difficulty in projecting serenely into the medium term—planning projects, anticipating social mobility, securing retirement—feeds a diffuse anxiety. Uncertainty, more than poverty in the strict sense, becomes a central factor in the malaise. This unease extends beyond the economic or social sphere. It finds a powerful amplifier in the crisis of trust toward political actors. Opinion polls show growing distrust of parties, elected officials, and mediating institutions. Achievements are not sufficiently explained or embodied by credible leaders, and many citizens feel inequity, pinning their sentiment on politics. Politics is often seen as a closed space, dominated by careerism and clientelism. Expectations in electoral alternations are regularly disappointed, leading to frustration spilling over the entire political field. Politicians become symbolic receptacles for a malaise that far exceeds their actual actions. This phenomenon is reinforced by the temporality of public policies. Many reforms, educational, social, territorial, produce long-term effects, while citizens demand quick, tangible results in daily life. Lacking pedagogy, transparency, and collective narrative, public policies remain abstract, their benefits invisible or attributed to other factors. Moroccan pessimism does not necessarily take the form of radical contestation. It often manifests as "gentle nihilism": electoral abstention, associational disengagement, retreat into the private sphere, rise of irony and cynicism in public debate, self-deprecating discourse about the country itself. This climate erodes confidence in the collective capacity to transform reality. This nihilism is ambivalent. It coexists with strong aspirations for individual success and international recognition of the country. It does not signal rejection of progress but doubt about the system's ability to offer prospects to all, not just the usual beneficiaries. The challenge for Morocco thus goes beyond the economic or social dimension. It is also symbolic and political. How to ensure tangible progress translates into a shared sense of collective advancement? How to reconnect individual trajectories with a clear, credible vision of the future? Without a shared narrative, even positive figures struggle to convince. The Moroccan paradox is not that of a stagnant country but of a society in motion, traversed by constant tension between real progress and hopes. It is in the ability to transform this tension into reform energy that the future largely lies. The CAN, with circulating videos conveying foreign satisfaction and astonishment at Morocco's progress, could be the hoped-for turning point. Life is good in Morocco.

Emerging African Power or Missed Opportunity: Lomé 2025 Between Historic Pivot and Strategic Shipwreck... 6378

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- World Politics - Politics -

2.3 min read.

In Lomé, from December 8 to 12, 2025, the 9th Pan-African Congress transcended its usual commemorative rituals to become a strategic headquarters. Or at least, it tried to. Governments, intellectuals, business leaders, diasporas, and activists hammered home a merciless diagnosis: in a world fractured by hybrid wars, broken supply chains, and declining or repositioning empires, Africa can no longer settle for mere survival. It must impose a doctrine of collective power, or perish as a playground for giants. Gone are the days of lyrical discourse panafricanism and ideological jousts. The shift has been made from symbol to sword, with panafricanism as a geopolitical weapon. In Lomé, Faure Gnassingbé, the Togolese president and host, set the tone from the outset: African unity is no longer a moral utopia, but a shield against predators. Facing a China that locks down cobalt mines, Russia and Sahel issues, and the United States dictating vague norms, Africa chooses rupture. Gnassingbé said it bluntly: without coordination, the continent remains prey; with it, it becomes a pivot. The debates dissected fragmentation, focusing on crises in the Sahel, tensions in Sudan, and piracy in Somalia. The alternative is binary: vassalization or collective sovereignty. Lomé thus lays the groundwork for a defensive alliance, possibly inspired by the BRICS, to counter voracious interferences. No one hesitated to declare that multilateralism is crumbling to shreds. Africa, at least in discourse, is thus storming the fortresses. Ministers sounded the alarm: the UN, IMF, and WTO under-represent Africa, the true demographic bastion that will boast 2.5 billion people by 2050 and an indispensable energy sanctuary with its sun, lithium, and green hydrogen. The continent is asking the fundamental question: why hand over the reins to institutions frozen in the post-1945 era? Thus, in Lomé, the Congress forced itself to outline an offensive roadmap with crystal-clear ideas: - Diplomatic coordination and a united front at the UN to block biased resolutions. - The need for institutional reforms, demanding two permanent seats on the Security Council and veto rights. - Sovereign voice through aligning regional votes, notably at the AU and ECOWAS, on common interests rather than national whims or outdated ideological aims. The stakes are to redefine the rules of the game. Africa is no longer content with folding seats. It wants to influence global trade, sanctions, and climate norms, where it foots the bill without reaping the benefits. The diaspora, as the secret weapon of an Afro-global geopolitics from Bogotá to São Paulo, stole the show in Lomé. Francia Márquez, Colombia's vice-president, reminded attendees of the 200 million Afro-descendants in the Americas: a strategic depth ignored for too long. South-South alliances, reparations as diplomatic weapons against post-colonial Europe, and capital flows via the US diaspora are assets and pathways for a radical posture shift. Lomé thus expands panafricanism to include the diaspora as a lobby in Washington and Brussels, a vector for tech (AI, fintech) and cultural soft power. Against China's Belt and Road, a transnational African counter-network is taking shape. Regional pre-congresses had already proposed a clear, concrete action plan: - Technological independence: Mastering artificial intelligence (AI) and quantum computing to end Western domination. - Pan-African elites by reforming education to train African leaders and strategists, not those who flee the continent. - Controlled migration: Implementing a continent-wide common policy to turn population movements into a demographic asset, rather than suffering Europe's barriers. - Active memory: Linking slavery and colonialism to concrete economic demands, like canceling unjust debts and paying royalties on mineral resources. In essence, axes of power for 2030 based on technology, education, and migration. Africa is shifting from reaction to projection, anticipating a multipolar world where it rivals India or ASEAN. But as always in Africa, it's legitimate to ask the fundamental question: Lomé, pivot or mirage? The hope is that this congress is not a flash in the pan but rather a sketch—a doctrine for power through unity, influence, and coordination. The devil is in the execution. Will internal and regional rivalries, and bellicose temptations, continue to divide? The Greater Maghreb, for our part, has known this story for 50 years. Lomé 2025 issues an ultimatum: shared strategy or eternal irrelevance? Africa, emerging pole or sacrificed pawn? The answer is playing out now and concerns upcoming African generations... They will never forgive our current mistakes and foolish divisions...

Waking Up in the Dark: School Schedules Adapted to Morocco's 21st-Century Child... 5956

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -

2.9 min read.

What inspired these lines is a letter published by a father on social media, which states in essence: "I am writing to you as a concerned parent, but also as a citizen exhausted by a government choice that, year after year, ignores common sense: maintaining a schedule where our children wake up when it's still pitch black to go to school. Every morning, it's the same absurd scenario: wake-up at dawn, children torn from sleep, eyes still closed, bodies tired, forced to go out into the darkness, sometimes in the cold, to reach their school. Sleepy students in class, weakened concentration, growing irritability. How can we talk about quality learning in these conditions?" Beyond fatigue, there is danger. Many parents lack the means to accompany their children. These children walk alone on streets still shrouded in darkness, exposed to risks of traffic accidents, assaults, or incivilities. This fact alone should question the relevance of this schedule. Yet the government persists in defending this choice in the name of economic or energy arguments, without ever weighing the well-being, health, and safety of our children against them. We are not asking for the impossible, only a return to a human rhythm, adapted to the reality of our society. Through this letter, I hope this debate will finally be opened seriously. Our children are not adjustable variables. They deserve a normal wake-up, in daylight, and a school that respects their fundamental needs." It lays out the ordeal experienced by children and parents and challenges the school rhythm imposed on our children. In fact, current school schedules are based on an organization largely inherited from the early 20th century, designed for a society with more stable temporalities, not at all connected and less exposed to constant stimulation. However, scientific studies have converged for some time on a single observation: there is a growing gap between these institutional frameworks and the biological, cognitive, and psychosocial needs of the contemporary child. Even better, the 21st-century child evolves in an environment marked by the omnipresence of screens, the multiplication of digital interactions, and the porosity between school time, family time, and leisure time. Research in chronobiology clearly establishes that exposure to artificial light, particularly blue light emitted by screens, delays melatonin secretion, the key hormone for falling asleep. This late-night exposure permanently disrupts wake-sleep cycles in children and adolescents, making early bedtime biologically difficult, regardless of the educational rules set by families. In this context, maintaining very early school schedules amounts to instituting a chronic sleep debt in the child. Yet, the role of sleep in learning is now solidly documented. Neurosciences show that sleep is essential for memory consolidation, emotional regulation, and the proper functioning of executive functions such as attention, planning, and cognitive control. Regular sleep deprivation is associated with decreased academic performance, increased irritability, and attention disorders that can exacerbate learning difficulties. North American studies provide particularly instructive insights: delaying the start of classes, associated with improved sleep time, leads to better academic results, attendance, mental health, and a reduction in road accidents involving adolescents. The American Academy of Pediatrics explicitly recommends later school schedules for adolescents, in line with their naturally shifted circadian rhythm. Lacking precise studies in Morocco, let's look at what is said elsewhere. Research shows that during adolescence, the biological clock physiologically shifts toward a later bedtime. Forcing a very early wake-up thus directly conflicts with a normal biological process. Ignoring this well-established data undermines the very conditions of learning and well-being. To cognitive fatigue are added issues of safety and social inequalities. The early schedules still imposed in Morocco expose many children to travel in darkness, increasing road and urban risks. For example, OECD studies emphasize that learning conditions extend beyond the classroom: travel time, accumulated fatigue, and family context strongly influence academic trajectories. The most modest families have less leeway for adaptation in accompaniment, secure transport, and educational compensation, turning school schedules into an indirect but real factor of inequalities. Economic, organizational, or energy imperatives cannot justify the status quo. Several international analyses show the exorbitant long-term costs of sleep deprivation: in terms of school dropout, anxiety disorders, reduced productivity, and health problems. These cumulative costs far exceed the adjustments needed for a reform of schedules. The OECD regularly insists on the importance of investing in student well-being as a condition for the effectiveness of education systems. Rethinking school schedules is therefore neither about comfort, laxity, nor whimsy. It is a rational approach, grounded in robust scientific data. Pedagogical effectiveness is not measured by the number of hours spent at school or the earliness of wake-up, but by the quality of attention, the cognitive availability of children, and the engagement of students and teachers. This reflection must fit into a comprehensive approach. Experts emphasize the need to coordinate school schedules, screen time management, workload, balance between family and educational life, and mental health. A high-performing education system is one capable of integrating scientific insights and evolving with the society it serves. In the era of permanent connectivity, persisting with rigid patterns institutionalizes fatigue from childhood. Taking into account the needs of the child, rather than the constraints of the adult world, is not a pedagogical utopia. It is a scientific, social, and ultimately political imperative. Morocco has all the means to undertake a genuine reflection on the issue and should initiate it as the basis for a true education reform.

Mustapha Hadji, African Ballon d’Or: From the Silence of the Pastures to the Voice of the Stadiums... 5784

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

3.4 min read.

Mustapha Hadji's record of achievements fits into a few lines, but each one carries immense weight in the history of African football, Moroccan youth, and especially for Mustapha himself. African Ballon d’Or in 1998, key architect of Morocco's epic run at the World Cup in France, respected international, elegant playmaker, discreet ambassador for football and the youth of Morocco's pre-desert interior. Titles, distinctions, numbers. And yet, reducing Hadji to his record would miss the essence: a rare human journey, almost cinematic, that begins far from the spotlight. For before the European pitches, before the anthems and trophies, there was a douar near Guelmim. A harsh, rugged region where childhood unfolds to the rhythm of the sun and the herds. The wind is dry and fierce. The horizon stretches endlessly. Children there gaze at the Atlas and the majesty of its summits at every moment. The soil is hard and rocky. Like many children his age, Mustapha became a shepherd as soon as he could walk, as soon as he could be independent. He quickly became the guardian of what his family and douar held most precious: goats and sheep. He learned patience, solitude, and observation early on. Qualities that would later make him a unique player, able to read the game before others, sense the ball, and adjust his movement. The turning point came with family reunification. Destination: France. The shock was immense. Change of language, climate, social codes. At school, Mustapha struggled to fit in. He didn't understand everything, spoke little, often withdrawing into himself. But where words failed, the ball became his language. It was on neighborhood fields that his talent began to shine. Instinctive, fluid football, almost poetic. No calculations, just the joy of playing, of finally expressing himself, of showing what he was capable of. Around him, kind eyes lingered. Coaches, educators, humanistic figures who saw beyond academic or linguistic struggles. And above all, there was a father who rose early to work and a mother who watched over them. A constant, demanding, protective presence. She guided, encouraged, reminded them of the importance of work and discipline. It was in her genes. She knew where she came from. Nothing was left to chance. From there, the ascent became unstoppable. Club by club, Mustapha Hadji refined his game. He wasn't the strongest or the fastest, but he understood football. The ball adopted and loved him. He played between the lines, made others play, elevated the collective. His style stood out in an era dominated by physicality. He imposed a different grammar: that of intelligence and creativity. 1998 marked the pinnacle. The World Cup in France revealed Hadji to the wider public. Morocco captivated, impressed, came close to a feat. Hadji was its technical soul. Months later, the African Ballon d’Or crowned this singular trajectory. Continental recognition, but also a powerful symbol: a child of Guelmim becoming a reference in African football. Without ever denying his roots, he elevated them in his story. He always evokes them with nostalgia and gratitude. After the heights, Mustapha Hadji didn't turn into a flashy icon. He remained true to a certain sobriety. That of the Moor descending from the man of Jbel Ighoud. Like his 40 million compatriots, he embodies 350,000 years of history, no scandals, few bombastic statements. Rare elegance, on and off the pitch. Later, he would pass on knowledge, support, advise, always with the same discretion. Mustapha Hadji's story deserves more than a one-off tribute. It calls for a series, a long-form narrative. Because it speaks of exile and integration, transmission and merit, raw talent shaped by effort and human guidance. Above all, it reminds us that behind every trophy hides a child, often silent, who learned to turn fragility into strength. In a modern football world sometimes afflicted by amnesia, Mustapha Hadji's path remains a lesson. A lesson in play, but above all a lesson in life. During the 4th African Days of Investment and Employment, dedicated to football as a vector for socio-economic inclusion, held at the Faculty of Legal and Social Sciences - Souissi, in Rabat, Mustapha was invited to the stage by Dounia Siraj, the icon of sports journalism, another example of success from innovative, committed, confident youth. She masterfully directed a ceremony where she had to, among other things, give the floor to Fouzi Lakjaa and Midaoui. She did so without flinching, with a steady voice and dignified posture. Mustapha spoke and shared his story. The words were powerful, precise, and true. The posture was dignified. The audience was moved. The many young students listened in awe. They were living a unique moment. Rare inspiration. Mustapha, smiling, recounted. The words flowed in a breathtaking narrative. That's when I spoke up to challenge Moroccan cinema. Doesn't this unique story, like so many others, deserve to be told in a film, in a series? Mustapha's words and expressions are so powerful that, translated into images, they could show all emerging youth the values of work, seriousness, self-confidence, and commitment. The Marrakech Festival had just closed the day before. As Mustapha spoke, I dreamed of seeing a film about Mustapha Hadji win the Golden Star... at a future edition. Moroccan cinema should play that role too. That of perpetuating the Kingdom's youth successes. Cinema must tell us, and especially the youth, these great stories of achievement in countless fields—and God knows there are many. Don't the stories of Nezha Bidouane, Hicham El Guerrouj, Said Aouita, Salah Hissou, Moulay Brahim Boutayeb, Abdelmajid Dolmy, Si Mohamed Timoumi or Achik, Nawal El Moutawakel deserve to be told in books, in films? Those of Jilali Gharbaoui, Mohamed Choukri, Abdelouhab Doukkali, Abdelhadi Belkhayat, Tayeb Seddiki, Tayeb Laalj, Fatna Bent Lhoucine, Fadoul, Miloud Chaabi, Haj Omar Tissir (Nesblssa), and many more—don't they deserve to be brought to the screen? Thank you, Si Mustapha, for being a great player, a national pride, and above all for continuing to do what you do with brilliance: motivating and inspiring our youth, sharpening our national pride through this renewed education, the pillar of a sovereign Morocco that lifts its youth toward a prosperous and enlightened future.

Law 30-09 on Physical Education and Sports in Morocco: An Obsolete Brake on Sport Development... 5672

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

2.8 min read.

Promulgated in 2010, Law 30-09 aimed to modernize Moroccan sports governance, regulate the associative movement, and pave the way for professionalization. Fourteen years later, its record is mixed: while it established a formal structure, it has always been said that it fails to meet the demands of modern sports and lacks incentives and encouragement. Today, it is accused of being a **structural brake** on Moroccan sports due to its rigid, ill-adapted, and partially unconstitutional framework. Worse still, launched well before the royal letter to the sports assemblies of 2008, the project underwent no adjustments to align with royal directives. The authors likely believed it sufficiently addressed the letter's content and saw no need to withdraw it. The questioning, already sharp since its promulgation, has intensified in light of the 2011 Constitution, which elevates physical activity to a citizen's right and requires the State to promote high-level sports while fostering associative participation. The approach of the 2030 World Cup, moreover, demands urgent legislative adaptation. During the 4th edition of the African Days of Investment and Employment, dedicated to football as a vector for socio-economic inclusion and organized by the Faculty of Legal, Economic, and Social Sciences-Souissi in Rabat, the president of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, Fouzi Lekjaa, stated bluntly that Law 30-09 had run its course and that a new version was needed to support the country's sporting development. The main issues first stem from a **discordance with the 2011 Constitution**. Designed before this fundamental revision, Law 30-09 does not explicitly guarantee the right to sports as a citizen's right. It limits associative freedom through a discretionary approval regime, contradicting the constitutional principle of freedom of association enshrined in the 1958 Public Freedoms Code, which remains in force. Similarly, it assigns the State a vague role in regulation and funding, undermining federations' autonomy and exposing them to administrative paralysis. It is also clear that there is **ambiguity in the status of professional athletes**. Despite constitutional recognition of the right to work and social protection, the law defines neither a clear sports contract nor specific protections. This legal vacuum fuels recurrent conflicts between clubs, players, and federations. A **disconnect with modern sports** is also evident. Tied to a bureaucratic and centralized vision, the law ignores international standards and performance- or objective-based governance mechanisms. Professionalization remains incomplete: clubs lack stable legal structures, economic models are precarious, and private investors are discouraged. The role of local authorities remains unclear, despite advanced regionalization, making sports investments dependent on local wills rather than a coherent national framework. The law's rigidity hampers rapid contracting, flexibility for infrastructure, and federations' independence. It generates administrative delays for public-private partnerships, the absence of status for sports companies, and difficulties integrating international norms, thus blocking attractiveness for private capital. One can thus suspect its **incompatibility with FIFA requirements and the 2030 World Cup**. Criticism extends to the education sector with a certain **inadequacy with educational reform**. While Morocco invests in school and university sports, the law omits any systemic integration between schools, universities, clubs, and federations, as well as pathways between mass and elite sports. The law unduly mixes amateur and professional sports, without distinguishing associative management from clubs' commercial activities. Another weakness lies in the definition of concepts and thus the clear assignment of resulting responsibilities. It subjects the associative fabric, the pillar of the sports movement, to excessive oversight, creating legal insecurity and constant workarounds. Finally, it conceives sports as an educational or cultural activity, ignoring its economic potential: sports jobs, sponsorship, broadcasting rights, specific taxation, and job creation. Conceived in a pre-constitutional context, Law 30-09 is today **obsolete, rigid, and partially unconstitutional**. It hinders governance, professionalization, and the sports economy at a time when Morocco is projecting itself toward major global events. The situation thus leads to the need for a new law: modern, aligned with the Constitution, the intent of the 2008 royal letter, the demands of modern sports in line with international bodies, and responsive to the imperatives for the 2030 World Cup, while inventing a new mode of management and administration detached from political timelines. A mission-oriented administration is widely desired. The new law must align with the constitutional framework by clearly defining concepts, enshrining sports as a citizen's right, protecting associative freedom, and clarifying the State's role (framing, funding, audits, performance contracts). It should distinguish between amateur and professional sports, between clubs and associations, and establish full professionalization: professional athlete status, mandatory sports companies for clubs, regulation of private investments. It must enable sports integration into the national economy via a dedicated tax framework, specific investment code, sectoral recognition, and modernization of sponsorship and TV rights. It must harmonize with FIFA 2030 requirements through greater flexibility, regulate infrastructure, and secure major projects. The new law should define the State's responsibilities in training frameworks and required levels, making academic training the foundation of a national system capable of meeting practice demands and society's true needs. It must also specify the role and responsibilities of regions and local authorities in mass sports, proximity infrastructure creation, and supervision—a sort of municipalization of mass physical activities. This long-awaited new law is **urgent, strategic, and essential** to align Moroccan sports with international standards and national ambitions.

The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (CAN) vs FIFA: Should Africa Always Settle for a Secondary Role? 5523

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- World Politics - Business - Sports -

2.8 min read.

Just days before the kickoff of la CAN 2025 au Maroc, a FIFA decision reignites an old debate: the real consideration given to African competitions within the global football structure. By reducing the mandatory release period for African players by European clubs to à cinq jours seulement, the world football governing body again seems to favor those same clubs… to the detriment of African national teams. This measure, seemingly technical at first glance, speaks volumes about the implicit hierarchy in world football and the true place FIFA continues to reserve for the African continent. How can a major competition like la CAN, a flagship event in African football, watched by hundreds of millions, and an important economic, social, and political driver in the region, be seriously prepared with only cinq jours de rassemblement? No team, anywhere in the world or on any continent, can build tactical cohesion, assimilate game plans, develop automatisms, or even physically recover in such a short time. It is therefore legitimate to ask: - Is this a rational measure? - Or a decision that trivializes la CAN, as if this competition deserves neither respect nor optimal conditions? - Or could it be structural discrimination against Africa? But the fundamental question remains the same. It is not new: is world football truly equal? The decision on player release is only the visible part of a larger system, where les compétitions et les équipes africaines are structurally disadvantaged. Take FIFA rankings as an example, which determine the pot placements for major competition draws. Points depend on the level of opponents faced. A team playing mainly in Africa will mechanically face lower-ranked teams, thus earning fewer points, even when winning. Conversely, a European team, with higher-ranked opponents, gains more points even with similar results. This system maintains a cercle fermé: the best ranked stay at the top, the lower ones remain stuck at the bottom. Where then is the promised meritocracy? The ranking openly dictates the World Cup path. The recent decision to guarantee that the quatre meilleures équipes mondiales do not meet before the 2026 World Cup semi-finals is a major turning point. This means the already biased ranking now plays a crucial role in the very structure of the competition. We have even seen the draw master, probably connected by earpiece to a decision-maker, place teams in groups without explaining why… This openly protects the giants and locks others into a calculated destiny. It is a logic of preserving the powerful, typical of a system where sport, apparently universal, bows to economic and media imperatives of major markets. This raises the question: is FIFA an institution funded… by those it marginalizes? A paradox emerges: - States, especially in developing countries, are the primary investors in football: infrastructure, academies, stadiums, subsidies, competitions. La CAN est une affaire de ces États. - National football, notably the World Cup between nations, is FIFA’s most lucrative product. - The emotion, history, and prestige of football largely come from the nations, not clubs. - Yet, it is les clubs européens, entités privées ou associations who seem to dictate the conditions. African federations, essential contributors of the global talent pool, players, skills, audiences, and emerging markets, find their room to maneuver much reduced. Is Africa highly valued as a supplier of talents, but not as a decision-making actor? This situation echoes a well-known pattern on the continent: Produce raw material, but let value-added happen elsewhere. In football as in the global economy, Africa trains, supplies, feeds, but often remains spectator when it comes to governance, revenues, interests, or influence. Instead of being seen as a strategic pillar of the global calendar, La CAN is treated as a logistical complication, even though a continental competition cannot progress if constantly relegated to second place. Football in certain regions only advances through regional and continental competitions. These form objectives for most teams and are sometimes the only visibility opportunity for some nations. Again, this raises the question: is world football truly democratized? FIFA presents itself as an inclusive house, guarantor of equity, solidarity, and development. In theory, yes. In practice, the scales tip heavily to one side. Recent decisions reveal an organization focused on protecting the immediate interests of football’s economic powers, mainly in Europe, to the detriment of sporting fairness. So, should we keep pretending? Should Africa be content to applaud, stay silent, and provide its players like a product in the global market? Isn’t the time ripe for une affirmation africaine? The 2025 CAN, organized in Morocco, with all the effort and resources invested, could become a turning point. Morocco’s dedication deserves respect. It demonstrates that the continent has the means, modern infrastructure, massive audiences, and world-class talent, but lacks recognition and du poids dans les décisions. It is time that FIFA treats African competitions with the respect they deserve. Not out of charity or rhetoric, but out of justice, coherence, and because world football cannot continue ignoring a continent that remains one of its main human and cultural engines. Africa is undoubtedly proud to be part of FIFA, but the strapontin no longer suits it. Africans themselves no longer tolerate the contempt.

FIFA World Cup 2026: risk of a tournament reserved for the wealthiest? An unprecedented inflation... 5150

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- World Politics - Business - Sports -

3 min read.

The 2026 World Cup, jointly organized by the **États-Unis, le Canada et le Mexique**, promises to be an extraordinary event: an expanded format with 48 teams, 104 matches, state-of-the-art facilities, and what is expected to be the most massive media coverage in sports history. However, as initial details about ticketing and logistical costs emerge, growing concern is palpable among fans: **the North American World Cup could become the most expensive World Cup ever organized**, to the point of calling into question the very accessibility of the event. At the heart of this concern is the American model of *dynamic pricing*, a system where prices are never fixed. They fluctuate according to demand, the volume of online requests, the status of the match, and even algorithmic parameters beyond the consumer’s control. For example, a hotel room normally priced around 200 USD might not be offered for less than 500 or even 600 USD, probably more for late bookers. This mechanism, common in American professional sports, could turn World Cup ticket purchases into a frenzied and even unfair race. Some final tickets are already priced between $5,000 and $20,000, a completely unprecedented level. Group stage tickets could see daily price swings, making financial planning nearly impossible for foreign fans. American supporters, already used to high prices in the NBA, NFL, or MLB, seem better equipped to navigate this system. Conversely, for Moroccan, Brazilian, Senegalese, Egyptian, or Indonesian fans, this model represents an almost insurmountable barrier. Adding to this cloudy scenario is the question of the official resale platform: **FIFA Official Ticket Resale Platform**. Ideally, it prevents black-market sales and secures transactions. But in a market dominated by speculative logic, it could become a playground for actors seeking to maximize profits, especially since FIFA takes a commission. FIFA has not yet communicated safeguards it plans to implement. Without strict regulation, resale could amplify price volatility, particularly for highly sought-after matches: final rounds, games involving teams with strong diasporas, as well as the opening match and final. One of the most puzzling aspects of this World Cup is the early sale of tickets without specific match assignments. In the USA, out of the **6 millions de billets prévus**, nearly **2 millions ont déjà trouvé preneur**, while buyers do not yet know which matches they paid for. This reflects several dynamics: - Total confidence from the American public in the event's organization; - The high purchasing power of an audience willing to invest heavily in sports experiences; - A structural asymmetry between American supporters and international fans, the latter compelled to wait for match assignments to plan trips and budgets. This situation fuels fears that stadiums will be largely filled with local spectators, to the detriment of fans supporting their teams from abroad. The USA ranks among the world’s most expensive hotel markets, and the selected cities are no exception: **New York, Los Angeles, Miami, Seattle, Dallas ou encore San Francisco** regularly top lists of the priciest destinations. A genuine inflation is expected across the hotel sector. During major sporting events, room prices can double or triple. For a month-long World Cup, projections are even more alarming: some operators are already talking about "prices never seen before." Fans should expect: - Massive hikes in hotel prices; - Predictable saturation of alternative accommodations; - Very high internal transport costs, since distances between host cities often require air travel. All these factors raise a central question: who will the 2026 World Cup really serve? The 250 million registered football players worldwide may feel somewhat frustrated. Their sport is slipping away. The North American model, dominated by commercial logic and speculative mechanisms, seems incompatible with football’s tradition as a popular sport. We might witness the emergence of a two-speed World Cup: - A premium World Cup, largely attended by North American audiences and wealthier supporters; - A remote World Cup for millions of international fans who must content themselves with televised broadcasts due to insufficient means to attend. For supporters from countries where median income is far lower than in the United States, be they African, Latin American, Asian, or even European nations, the experience could become inaccessible. FIFA clearly faces a strategic dilemma. Sooner or later, it will have to address this issue. Certainly, the choice of the United States guarantees top-level infrastructure, record revenues, a colossal advertising market, and a logistics organization of rare reliability. But this financial logic could directly contradict football’s social and symbolic mission: to bring people together, unite, and include. If the 2026 World Cup turns into an elitist event, it risks leaving a lasting negative impression in public opinion. Modern football, already criticized for its commercial drift, could face increased pushback from fans—the very fans who keep the sport alive—especially as FIFA’s revenues rise from $7.5 billion to $13 billion. The World Cup is thus under tension. In 2026, it will likely be spectacular both sportingly and organizationally. But it could also mark a turning point in World Cup history: when the event stops being a popular and accessible gathering and turns into a premium product for a privileged audience. Between ticket inflation, skyrocketing hotel prices, logistical distances, and the American economic model, the real risk exists that this edition will go down as the most exclusive, most expensive, and least accessible. FIFA, the organizers, and host cities will have to find ways to mitigate this dynamic to preserve football’s very essence: a universal sport that belongs to everyone. Could the proximity between Gianni Infantino and Donald Trump, even their friendship, help in any way?

CAN 2025 in Morocco: Reflection of a Major Probable Migratory and Social Transformation... 4967

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

3 min read.

Three weeks before the Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco, it seems appropriate to revisit key insights from the 2024 General Population and Housing Census (RGPH 2024). This event will undoubtedly have a powerful impact on the country's perception, through the positive images it is already broadcasting and, consequently, on future demographic data. The census shows that out of 36.8 million recorded inhabitants, 148,152 people are foreign nationals, representing nearly 0.4% of the total population, an increase of over 76% compared to 2014. Behind this relatively modest figure lies a structural transformation: the rise of Sub-Saharan African migrants, partial feminization of flows, strong urban concentration, and increasingly qualified profiles. Morocco's geographical position and economic evolution have, in a relatively short time, transformed it from a country of emigration into a space of settlement and transit for migrants with varied profiles. The National Strategy on Immigration and Asylum (SNIA), adopted in 2013, along with the regularization campaigns of 2014 and 2017, have established a more inclusive approach in Morocco and better statistical knowledge of the populations concerned. Sub-Saharan African nationals now represent nearly 60% of migrants, compared to about 27% in 2014. The share of Europeans has declined to just over 20%. That of MENA region nationals is only 7%. Morocco's continental anchoring is thus confirmed. In terms of nationalities, Senegal and Côte d'Ivoire account for more than one-third of foreigners, ahead of France, which remains the leading European nationality with nearly 14% of foreign residents. Other countries like Guinea, Mali, Congo-Brazzaville, Cameroon, or Syria complete this panorama. Foreign residents in Morocco are mostly recent arrivals: more than half report arriving since 2021, and more than one-third between 2011 and 2020, testifying to a very recent acceleration of arrivals. A majority of this population will fill the stands during the CAN. Economic motives overwhelmingly dominate: more than 53% of migrants cite work as the main reason, confirming Morocco's role as a regional attraction pole in sectors such as construction, services, agriculture, and the informal economy. Family reasons follow (a little over 20%), reflecting the growing weight of family reunification and medium- to long-term settlement projects, then studies and post-graduation (about 14%), a sign of the country's academic attractiveness to Sub-Saharan students. Humanitarian motives, flight from conflicts, insecurity, racism, or climate change effects—remain numerically minor. Morocco thus appears as a hybrid space where labor migrations, student mobility, family reunifications, and international protection needs coexist. The vast majority of foreign residents live in cities: nearly 95% are settled in urban areas, confirming the role of major agglomerations as entry points and integration spaces. Two regions clearly dominate: Casablanca-Settat, which hosts more than 43% of foreigners, and Rabat-Salé-Kénitra with a little over 19%, though the latter's share has declined compared to 2014 in favor of Casablanca. Nearly 56% of this population are men, but feminization is progressing, particularly among certain nationalities like Ivorian women and Filipinos, who are very present in personal services and domestic work. More than 80% of foreign residents are between 15 and 64 years old, making them essentially a working-age group, with a non-negligible presence of children and a minority of elderly people. Nearly half of people aged 15 and over are single, while a little over 45% are married, showing the coexistence of individual mobility trajectories and stabilized family projects. The education level appears generally high: nearly 39% hold a higher diploma and 28% have reached secondary level. Employed workers are mostly private sector employees, while a minority work as independents, employers, or public sector employees, highlighting the diversity of professional integration modes. The relatively limited share of unemployed may mask forms of underemployment or precariousness in the informal sector. In 2024, more than 71,000 households include at least one foreign resident. About 31% are exclusively composed of foreigners, while about 69% are mixed households combining Moroccans and foreigners, a proportion sharply up from 2014. This rise in mixed households reflects a deepening of residential and social integration, through mixed marriages, welcoming relatives, or shared cohabitations linked to work and studies. In terms of housing, the majority of foreign households live in apartments, followed by modern Moroccan houses, reflecting integration into the ordinary urban fabric rather than segregated housing forms. Exclusively foreign households are overwhelmingly tenants, while mixed households are more often owners or co-owners, highlighting differentiated settlement trajectories based on household composition. The RGPH 2024 results confirm that the foreign presence in Morocco, though numerically limited, now constitutes a structural and lasting fact of society. The youth, the high proportion of active workers, the rise of family and mixed households, as well as the diversification of educational profiles, call for greater coordination between migration policies, urban, social, and educational policies.The major challenges concern valuing the economic and demographic potential of this population, access to education, health, housing, and decent work, and combating discrimination in a context of cultural pluralization. The SNIA mechanisms to meet Morocco's regional and international commitments in migration governance must also evolve. However, these figures and data will likely undergo real evolution in the coming years: the African media focus on the CAN, and later on the World Cup in Morocco, will reveal the country's assets and increase its attractiveness. These two events, through their combined media weight and the impressions reported by the thousands of expected spectators, should play a promotional role for the country. Deep Africa will discover Morocco and the multiple opportunities it offers, both economically and for studies.

Morocco Faces Its Sports Challenge: From Leisure to National Powerhouse... 4862

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Business - Health - Sports -

3 min read.

Long confined to mere popular entertainment, used as a political communication tool, or dismissed as a socially useless activity, Moroccan sport is now emerging as an essential economic, social, and health driver. Under the spotlight of CAN 2025 and the 2030 World Cup, the Kingdom must fully embrace this potential. No room for half-measures, the sector already carries significant weight. Sport currently generates 1.56% of national GDP, equivalent to over 21 billion dirhams. This is just the beginning: reaching the symbolic 3% threshold, as estimated by the World Bank, could eventually position it to rival economic heavyweights like agribusiness or tourism, which it already boosts. The sector is buzzing with activity. Sales of sports goods have surged to 3.77 billion dirhams, while clubs and fitness centers report a 25% revenue increase, reaching 604 million. Professional football, capturing 12% of sports jobs, weighs in at 879 million dirhams. Moroccan sport is no longer just leisure; it is a full-fledged emerging economy. On the global stage, football is a major engine: valued at 59 billion dollars in 2025, FIFA anticipates record revenues of 11 billion for the 2023–2026 cycle. Morocco has every interest in riding this global wave, and it is doing so effectively. Major projects, from construction to jobs, contribute to this new revenue stream. CAN 2025 and the 2030 World Cup are more than sports events. They represent a powerful lever for investment and transformation. The three host countries: Morocco, Spain, Portugal, will mobilize 15 to 20 billion dollars, with 50 to 60 billion dirhams for Morocco alone, which is not just catching up but surpassing its partners. Renovated stadiums, roads, hotel infrastructure, and transport: these projects should create 70,000 to 120,000 direct and indirect jobs. Sports tourism adds to this, already a strong driver generating 2 billion dirhams from iconic events like golf tournaments, the Marathon des Sables, or Atlas trails. But physical activity and sport are more than that, they are healing investments. Beyond the economy, investing in physical activity and sport is crucial for public health. According to the WHO, every dollar invested in physical activity yields three dollars in medical cost savings. Europe estimates that a 10% increase in practitioners saves 0.6% of GDP in healthcare costs. In Morocco, where 59% of the population is overweight and 24% suffer from obesity, and 48.9% of Moroccans experience a mental disorder at least once in their lives, physical activity could reverse these health trends. It reduces premature mortality by 30%, type 2 diabetes by 40%, depression by 30%, while boosting productivity by 6 to 9%. Physical activity and sport are the best free medicine. They heal before illness even appears. Thus, sport is not just pleasure: it is a powerful, sustainable public health lever. What better way to channel the overflowing energy of youth? Sport is also the school of life and citizenship. Studies show athletic students score 0.4 points higher on average, gain 13% in concentration, and reduce stress by 20%. Yet, only 22% of young Moroccans engage in regular physical activity, despite a potential exceeding 6 million. Children tend to swap the ball for screens. The risk is high: without strong policies, a fragile generation is being prepared. The Kingdom already invests significantly in sports for all, especially by providing youth with free outdoor facilities, but much remains to be done. Here is a corrected and improved version of your text: The legislative framework is clearly misaligned with ambitions. Law 30-09, governing sport in Morocco, is criticized for excessive centralization, administrative burdens, and lack of autonomy for clubs and federations. It fails to clearly define concepts, creating real legal ambiguity. More than ever, it would be wise to move toward a new law that implements and respects the provisions of the 2011 constitution; a more incentive-based law that clearly defines concepts and thus responsibilities, correcting all the flaws of the previous one—and there are many. It would also be urgent to remove sport from political timelines and entrust it to a mission-oriented administration whose tasks, strategies, and pace adapt to sports time, which is much longer, and align with international sports timelines. Morocco's Royal Sports Federations capture no more than 350,000 licensees for a potential of 6 to 7 million. Clubs struggle to professionalize, private investors are lukewarm, and mass participation remains proportionally neglected. To accelerate growth, it will likely be necessary to lighten taxation with reduced VAT on equipment and subscriptions, ease burdens for sports startups, and officially recognize sport as an activity of public utility. The 2026 Finance Bill precisely provides for adjustments to promote public-private partnerships and boost private investment. The next decade could mark a historic turning point in the country's development. By 2030, Morocco has chosen sport as a national pillar. With prestigious international competitions, modern infrastructure, and energetic youth, Morocco holds all the cards to make sport a pillar of sustainable development. But this requires a paradigm shift: sport is not just a spectacle or image tool; it is an economic sector, a culture to promote, and a public policy to build. Morocco now has the opportunity to make sport a major vector of prosperity, health, employment, and social cohesion. This is the choice made: to take sport out of the leisure framework and fully integrate it into a national strategy. Sport is not a luxury. It is a collective investment in health, employment, and national unity. The message is clear: by 2030, Morocco must shine not only through its teams but also through its ambitious vision of sport as a lever for human and economic development.

Guterres snubs Attaf in Luanda: the UN breaks with Algeria's rudeness on the Sahara... 4619

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- World Politics - Politics - History -

1.7 min read.

At the Africa-Europe summit held in Luanda, a filmed and widely shared incident spotlighted a deep diplomatic tension involving António Guterres, UN Secretary-General, and Ahmed Attaf, Algerian Foreign Minister. A video of the moment went viral on social media, sparking intense debate and mockery. Guterres abruptly gave a formal but cold greeting before swiftly turning his back on Attaf, who was desperately trying to engage with him. This was not a mere protocol slip but a deliberate gesture symbolizing a conflict-laden, annoyed relationship between the UN and Algeria. At such a high diplomatic level, gestures are never accidental or improvised. Nearing the end of his term, Guterres has little patience left for certain behaviors, including those of an insistent and exhausting minister from a country repeatedly harassing the institution. Politically, this public refusal to engage cannot be seen as an accident. It expresses explicit exasperation with Algeria’s stance and likely reflects Attaf's failure to secure a meeting with the Secretary-General. The context is heavy: the Moroccan Sahara issue fuels tension with Algeria pursuing an aggressive, systematic strategy challenging UN reports and resolutions, accusing the UN of bias. Algeria claims neutrality, but this masks the reality that it has sustained and intensified the conflict for half a century, along with Gaddafi’s Libya. Official Algerian media frequently criticize the UN with diplomatic invective, targeting countries and leaders who recognize Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. Attacking Israel and Zionism is also a recurring theme, all to bolster Algerian national pride amid economic hardships. This unprecedented political rudeness damages Algeria’s international image. Algerian representative Amar Bendjama’s disdainful and disrespectful comments after the UN Security Council Resolution 2797 vote illustrate this climate. The ongoing tensions have led to a diplomatic deadlock for Algeria, which desperately pressures the UN publically, breaking traditional diplomatic norms. Guterres’s gesture sends a clear political rejection of Algeria's destabilizing posture, a "enough is enough" message that may go unheeded given Algeria’s stubbornness. The episode reveals the limits of informal diplomacy when faced with an aggressive actor and underscores the growing irritation within the UN regarding the Sahara dossier. Major powers now publicly refuse to tolerate Algeria’s antics, having long endured them in hopes of Algerian realizations. Geopolitical stakes in the Mediterranean and Africa are too high for the international community to continue tolerating Algeria’s regional destabilization doctrine. Algeria has only succeeded in creating the new terminology "Western Sahara," which has reignited the question of the "Eastern Sahara." Increasingly, young people provide historical proof of Morocco’s sovereignty over the territories previously linked to colonial France. This incident symbolizes a symbolic rupture in Algeria-UN relations, exacerbated by the recent UN resolution explicitly naming the parties to the Sahara dispute: Algeria, its proxy Polisario Front, Mauritania, and Morocco. The only solution on the agenda is autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty, hard for Algeria to accept. Even at the recent G20 summit hosted by South Africa, a known Algerian ally, no word was uttered on the Moroccan Sahara. This confrontation at such a high-profile summit illustrates Algeria’s waning political influence in multilateral forums while Morocco strengthens its regional and global diplomatic standing.

Aziz Daouda

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Akhenouch's Departure from the RNI: Hasty Decision or Strategic Gambit? 3206

CAN 2025 or Morocco, an Exemplary Pan-African Showcase... 3215

CAN 2025: The Paradox of Origins and the Urgency to Save African Championships Through the CHAN 3218

February, Forty-Five Years Later: The Inevitable End of the Mullahs... 4103

AFCON 2025: The Return of a Forgotten African Memory... Lumumba from the Stands: The Symbolic Star... 4269

AFCON 2025: Why Morocco Should Win Its Quarterfinal Against Cameroon... 4772

Venezuela after Maduro: Democratic Transition or New Imbroglio? 4783

Maduro, from Sovereign to American Defendant... or The last night of Raiss Maduro... 4918

When Algeria insists on sailing against the tide of history… 5074

The AFCON, a Lifeline for a Continent in Crisis: Why Quadrennial Rhymes with Abandon... 5376

Moroccan Sahara, Maghreb and Sahel: Russia's Subtle Repositioning Between Interests, Realpolitik, and New Equilibria... 5799

Moroccans and Algerians: brothers in history probably, political enemies certainly. 6410

Moulay El Hassan's Style: Elegance, Humility, and Sovereignty of Gesture... 6545

The Moroccan Paradox: Between Tangible Progress and Social Disenchantment... 6610

Emerging African Power or Missed Opportunity: Lomé 2025 Between Historic Pivot and Strategic Shipwreck... 6378

Waking Up in the Dark: School Schedules Adapted to Morocco's 21st-Century Child... 5956

Mustapha Hadji, African Ballon d’Or: From the Silence of the Pastures to the Voice of the Stadiums... 5784

Law 30-09 on Physical Education and Sports in Morocco: An Obsolete Brake on Sport Development... 5672

The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (CAN) vs FIFA: Should Africa Always Settle for a Secondary Role? 5523

FIFA World Cup 2026: risk of a tournament reserved for the wealthiest? An unprecedented inflation... 5150

CAN 2025 in Morocco: Reflection of a Major Probable Migratory and Social Transformation... 4967

Morocco Faces Its Sports Challenge: From Leisure to National Powerhouse... 4862

Guterres snubs Attaf in Luanda: the UN breaks with Algeria's rudeness on the Sahara... 4619